XThe Disintegration of the Two-Party System
and the
Descent into Barbarism

"Can't you just shoot them? Just shoot them
in the legs or something?" |
indexTEMP2022
indexDATA 2
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index2023empirical
index2023theoretical

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In the beginning . . .
Two excerpts from Daniel Dor, Chris Knight, and Jerome Lewis, The Social Origins of Language (Oxford, 2014), p.4
1. "Introduction" (Dor, Knight, and Lewis)
. . . in the case of many nonhuman primates, dominance asserted through
violence or threat is the internal principle of social organization . .
. [Among humans] . . . primate-style dominance is periodically
overthrown and then restored, only to be overthrown and restored again
and again.
2. "Vocal Deception, Laughter, and the linguistic significance of reverse dominance", pp. 307-9 (Knight and Lewis)
So decisively do women inhibit male aggression that the contest
collapses into laughter and sexual play. The outcome is . . .
‘communism in motion’—a never-ending pendulum swinging between male
dominance and its celebratory overturn, between brute force on the one
hand, and, on the other, female collectivized attractiveness and
corresponding power asserted through song, ribald laughter, and erotic
play. . . . So how was sexual violence contained and transcended in the
human case? . . . . Ritualized play pervades the very arena
which, in other primate—chimpanzees, for example—leads recurrently to
sexual violence.
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. . . Brief Interlude . . .
from Merlin Donald, A Mind So Rare: the Evolution of Human Consciousness (W.W. Norton, 2001), pp. 301-2
Literacy skills change the functional organization of the brain and
deeply influence how individuals and communities of literate
individuals perform cognitive work. Mass literacy has triggered
two kinds of major cogitive reorganizations, one in individuals and the
other in groups.
There is no
equivalent in the preliterate mind to the circuits that hold the
complex neural components of a reading vocabulary or the elaborate
procedural habits of formal thinking. . . . Consider the impact of twenty or more years of schooling on
the brain of someone who has acquired full symbolic literacy in several
different
technical, mathematical, scientific, and musical fields. These
skills encumber neural resources on a vast scale and change how the
person's mind carries out its work.
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. . . The Return of the Repressed
from Richard Lachmann, "Coda: American Patrimonialism: The Return of the Repressed” in Patrimonial Power in the Modern World, Julia Adams and Mounira M. Charrad, eds. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 2011
Patrimonialism,
until fairly recently, seemed an archaic social form, largely replaced
by bureaucratic rationalism. That confident view of modernity, in the
histories that Max Weber and his followers wrote, deserves to be
challenged as patrimonial regimes reappear in states and firms
throughout the world.
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This
site uses figurative elements
This
site uses figurative elements, including graphs, tables,
charts,
and maps, originally to advance an analysis of the historical
trajectory: the New
Deal to Donald Trump, but the events of the second decade of the 21st
century, when viewed through the lens provided by The Social Origins of
Language, forced me to see that there was a bigger picture.
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Comment on in the beginning, brief interlude,
and the return of the repressed
The
three works cited above were published before Trump ascended the
throne. Yet it should be obvious that they bear directly on the
question of Trump.
Even though The Origins of Language
is way beyond my areas of academic competence, I am nevertheless
certain the problematic that it unfolds is of vital importance.
The excerpt from A Mind So Rare is about the cognitive-discursive performativities that are central to modernity. It discusses the cognitive-developmental achievements of the period 1750-1950 (more or less). From the Enlightenment to Donald Trump and the End of Print Literacy: 1750-2021, the second part of Figure 0, should be viewed with this excerpt in mind.
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Fig. 0. (The bigger picture). The Evolutionary Context of the 2016 election: from the origins
of language to the end of print literacy in the United States

larger image

A map of early human migrations
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the return of the repressed
from "Grab ’em by the pussy”: how Trump talked about women in private is horrifying Vox, October 7, 2016
The
recording starts partway through Trump telling a story about hitting on
an unidentified woman — unsuccessfully. “I did try and fuck her,” Trump
said. “She was married. I moved on her very heavily. In fact, I took
her out furniture shopping. … I moved on her like a bitch, but I
couldn’t get there and she was married.”
Then, Trump said, he saw her again: “Then all of a sudden I see her, she’s now got the big phony tits and everything.”
Moments later, Trump notices Arianne Zucker, the soap opera actress who
would later escort him and Bush to the set. Bush calls her “hot as
shit.” Trump jokes that he should “use some Tic Tacs” in case he starts
kissing her.
“I’m automatically attracted to beautiful — I just start kissing them.
It’s like a magnet. Just kiss. I don’t even wait,” Trump said. “When
you’re a star, they let you do it. You can do anything. Grab ’em by the
pussy. You can do anything.”
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d
this site is a rhizome
this site is a rhizome. It consists of:
1. excerpts from state-of-the-art mainstream scholarly works
2. datasets (graphs, tables,
charts,
and maps)
3. comments that function as connective tissue
Its principle of production is transcendental empiricism*
This
is a cell in a row containing three cells. Some cells of this
site are readble; others under construction. The latter are
indicated in faded letters as UNDER CONSTRUCTION.
*Excerpts from Levi R. Bryant, Difference and Givenness: Deleuze's Transcendental Empiricism and the Ontology of Immanence (Northwestern University Press, 2008)
* Notebook (Philosophy)
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PROBLEMS
the widespread dissolution of language and
cognition
the confidence man
capitalism or capitalisms?
networks of power and hegemony
what about Marx?
and how far back do we have to go? History and Evolution
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into the abyss: four axes of disintegration
•First, the disintegration of the cognitive performativities of modernity itself: the "human" side of "capital." Evidence
abounds in the public arena of a widespread dissolution of language and
cognition. Because the media performs this cognitive decline,
the
decay of reason is invisible within the cognitively decaying public
sphere. Thus, liberal obsession with the "misinformation" spread
by "conspiriacy theories" like QAnon, expose themselves to ridicule.
QAnon is not a theory. It is a demonic accusation . . .
Cognitive-developmentally speaking, conspiracy "theories" can be
viewed as cartoon-like. Vivid and simple-minded to the extreme,
they appeal to the toddleresque mentalité of the milieu of American
fascism. The
fact that the liberal media does not, perhaps cannot, recognize this
says volumes about how far we have fallen since the New Deal.
•Second, the explosion of fascist performativities within the orbit of the GOP (Robert O. Paxton, Anatomy of Fascism:
"The legitimation of violence against a demonized internal enemy brings
us close to the heart of fascism."). Again, the liberal media
cannot see the obvious: click on the Freud-Jamieson Black Hole of Liberalism now to see what I mean.
•Third, the assault on
rational-bureaucratic institutions--i.e., an assault on the very idea
of science-based professionalism and public service. (Richard Lachmann, Coda: American Patrimonialism: The Return of the Repressed: "Patrimonialism,
until fairly recently, seemed an archaic social form, largely replaced
by bureaucratic rationalism. That confident view of modernity, in the
histories that Max Weber and his followers wrote, deserves to be
challenged as patrimonial regimes reappear in states and firms
throughout the world.")
•Fourth, the triumph of
nihilism(Nietzsche).
Some call this neoliberal subjectivity, but it might well be called the
incredible shrinking self. The Democratic
Party, once the party of bildung (pragmatisim, progressivism), is now
the party of nihilism. (Thorsten Veblen "provided a strong
criticism of hedonism, including marginal utility theory, satirizing
its conception of man as a 'lightning calculator of pleasures and
pains.'") |
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Space, Time, and Power
UNDER CONSTRUCTION
Below are three rows of figurative elements related to space, time, and power.
Space: It is impossible to understand our American history without
paying sustained attention to actual movements of actual populations,
including the congitive-discursive webs into which they are enmeshed,
and the cognitive-discursive webs they encounter.
Every event that emerges (say mass shootings) has a
demographic-cultural-historical dimension, which must include
careful attention to socio-economic conditions, processes, and
catastrophes. Globalizaton is the name given to one of these
catastrophes, but it is inadequate: This catastrophe is only in part
the spatial reordering of manfuacturing (see nihilism).
I mention this because a truly remarkable willful blindness to the
actuality of the lives of Capitol rioters and mass shooters pervades
the media: these are not a random sample of humans. They are
living on the edge, marginalized in obvious and not so obvious
ways. Obvious, in that they are tenuously connect to mainstream
stable institutonal and occupational environments. Not so
obvious, that the process of the transition from adolescence into adult
roles and performative context fails. A festering rage dominates their lives (Seductions of Crime). They are the raw
maerials that political entrepeneurs, demagogoeus, and roving
billionaires work up into a self-righteous rage against demonic elites
(QAnon) and a variety of others
whom they destroy in fantasy as part of their everyday existence, and
whom they sometimes destroy in reality in premeditated mass shootings.*
Some of these demagogues, such as our recent president, are so
primitive in their mental development and education that they obviously
do not and cannot conceive of anything further down the road than
tomorrow. They are of an inferior biocultural order from the
standpoint of cognitive performativity. This may sound racist,
but it ain't.
*Premeditated
mass shootings (Uvelde, Oxford, Buffalo) should be distinguished from
the gun mayhem that errupts spontaneously (Philadelphia). The
difference is significant, but also may prove to be inconsequential.
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UNDER CONSTRUCTION
The problematic of racism, as expressed by Charles Darwin and Alfred Russell Wallace:
Charles Darwin (1871): “At some future period, not very distant as measured by
centuries, the civilized races of man will almost certainly exterminate
and replace the savage races throughout the world.”
Alfred Russell Wallace (1864): “the higher—the more intellectual and moral—must displace the lower and more degraded races.” (1)
That problematic is distinct from racism as such:
it refers to that which racism construes as its major concerns:
character and cognition (or morality and intelligence)
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The UAW, 1933-43: Networks of Power

1. Civil War in Midland Steel: socio-technical analysis
2. Civil War in Midland Steel: the Elder report
3. Wage Adjustment List, 1941
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11 Cultural Regions of the United States

from Colin Woodard, American Nations: A History of the Eleven Rival Regional Cultures of North America (Penguin, 2012)
Woodard's Deep South and Greater Appalachia should be supplemented by Daren
Dochuk's From Bible Belt to Sunbelt (Norton, 2011).
American Nations is required reading.
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Intersubjectivity, Shared Intentionality, and the Extended Mind:
the UAW (Unity Caucus):
Bildungsproletarians and Plebeian Upstarts
(Detroit and the Lower Great Lakes)

larger image: the UAW, 1933-1943: a working notebook
"In May 1936 . . . both the A.I.W.A. and the A.A.W.A. joined the auto international." (Fine, Blue Eagle,
p. 427) The A.I.W.A. was associated with Father Coughlin, the A.A.W.A.
with the KKK. Prior to its merger with these groups, the UAW had
a minimal presence in Detroit. |
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Europe 1920: Treaty of Rapallo

from Omniatlas: Interactive Atlas of World History
Nordic Paths to Modernity, Jóhann Páll Árnsason and Björn Wittrock, ers (Bergham Books, 2012)
1. Bo Strĺth, "Nordic Modernity: Origins, Trajectories, Perspectives"
6. Rune Slagstad, "The Metamorphoses of Norwegian Reformism"
9. Henrik Stenius, "Paradoxes of Finnish Political Culture"
Elwyn B. Robinson, History of North Dakota (U. Nebraska, 1982) |
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Fig. 0. (The bigger picture). The Evolutionary Context of the 2016 election: from the origins
of language to the end of print literacy in the United States

larger image |
Thermidor: a timeline

from Industrial Production--100 Year Historical Chart
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UAW Timeline, 1933-1941

larger image: the UAW, 1933-1943: a working notebook
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The UAW, 1933-43: Networks of Power

1. Civil War in Midland Steel: socio-technical analysis
2. Civil War in Midland Steel: the Elder report
3. Wage Adjustment List, 1941
The word elite
is bandied about by left and right, but specific individuals,
institutions and networks of power are almost never mentioned.
This is indicative of something of great significance about the
ontological and cognitive minimalism of politics as we know it.
As a (futile) step toward remedying this: Elites: Strategic and Otherwise |
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the Keynesian Elite in the New Deal State:

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U.S. Political Economy by Sector, 1910 to 1939
input-output matrices: capital formations and the two-party system
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this site is a critique of Liberalism from the standpoint of
the New Deal. |
Instructions for Use: First Scroll, then Read |
Liberalism and Progressivism are opposites, not twins. |
Patrimonialism and our primate inheritance
from Richard Lachmann, "Coda: American Patrimonialism: The Return of the Repressed” in Patrimonial Power in the Modern World, Julia Adams and Mounira M. Charrad, eds. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 2011
Patrimonialism,
until fairly recently, seemed an archaic social form, largely replaced
by bureaucratic rationalism. That confident view of modernity, in the
histories that Max Weber and his followers wrote, deserves to be
challenged as patrimonial regimes reappear in states and firms
throughout the world.
from Daniel Dor, Chris Knight, and Jerome Lewis, The Social Origins of Language (Oxford, 2014), p.4
" . . . in the case of many nonhuman primates, dominance asserted through
violence or threat is the internal principle of social organization . .
. [Among humans] . . . primate-style dominance is periodically
overthrown and then restored, only to be overthrown and restored again
and again."
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The problematic of racism
UNDER CONSTRUCTION
The problematic of racism, as expressed by Charles Darwin and Alfred Russell Wallace:
Charles Darwin (1871): “At some future period, not very distant as measured by
centuries, the civilized races of man will almost certainly exterminate
and replace the savage races throughout the world.”
Alfred Russell Wallace (1864): “the higher—the more intellectual and moral—must displace the lower and more degraded races.” (1)
That problematic is distinct from racism as such:
it refers to that which racism construes as its major concerns:
character (morality) and cognition (intelligence)
There are two primary cognitive-discursive webs: the
rational-scientific, upon which modern capitalism is built; and the
moral-emotional semiotic webs within which our lives unfold and upon
which we depend for life to be possible.* On this most educated
people would agree.
But when the developmental process that creates the numeracy and the literacy (high-school) that civilization depends upon, and upon which the capacity for further cognitive development (college) depends; and
when the moral and ethical fabric that makes society possible is
being shredded before our eyes, these two primary discursive webs do
not within themselves have the means to understand or cope with the
violence and greed rampant in the land. And they are a priori unable to
understand the disintegration of cognitive-discursive performativity
within the United States today.
Who’s Afraid of Arabic Numerals? NYT June 4, 2019. Read this and weep.
Enter the second Copernican revolution.** Kant Hegel Dilthy Freud Heidegger Foucault . . .
. . .
. . .
both parties degrade the moral and ethical environment.
*from Mercedes
Cubero and Manuel L. de la Mata, "Activity Settings, Ways of Thinking
and Discourse Modes: An Empirical Investigation of the Heterogeneity of
Verbal Thinking," in Seth Chaiklin, The Theory and Practice of Cultural-Historical Psychology (Aarhus University Press, 2001), p. 220:
Bruner (1986, 1990)
argues for a semiotic conception of thinking, in which each mode of
thought is associated with two ways of thinking, or two ways of
knowing: logical-scientific thinking and narrative.
**Alexander Luria (The Making of Mind, pp. 22-3) refers to the "nomothetic-idiographic distinction". See Wiki article.
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On "Intelligence"
from Merlin Donald, A Mind So Rare: the Evolution of Human Consciousness (W.W. Norton, 2001), pp. 301-2
There is no
equivalent in the preliterate mind to the circuits that hold the
complex neural components of a reading vocabulary or the elaborate
procedural habits of formal thinking.
from Stephen J. Ceci, On Intelligence: A Bioecological Treatise on
Intellectual Development, expanded edition (Harvard University Press,
1996)
The
possibility that there exists a more restless relationship between
intelligence and context, in which thinking changes both its nature and
its course as one moves from one situation to another, is enough to
cause shudders in some research quarters. It represents a move toward
a psychology of situations . . . xvi
The term intelligence is often
used synonymously with "IQ", "g", or "general intelligence", especially
in some of the psychometric literature. . . however, the ability to
engage in cognitively complex behaviors will be shown to be independent
of IQ, g, or general intelligence . . . cognitive complexity will be
seen to be the more general of the two notions and the one most
theoretically important to keep in mind when referring to intelligent
behavior. p. 22
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every GOP rhetorical gesture is generated by the grammar, and drawn from the lexicon,
of the sado-sexual eigenvector that runs like a river of blood through
the body politic.
sado-sexual
eigenvector is ontologically prior to "racism", mysogyny,
war-mongering. SS Eigenvector the primordial core of being, of
Being. (inner) Logic of language games of Fascism 3.0.
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Kant, Hegel,
Nietzsche, Heiddeger, Foucault, Deleuze
The
graphic at the far right represents the manner in which thought can be
structured in relation of the problematic posed by the three mass
shootings indicated. data should be read as the set of life worlds N=212 of arrestees studied. texts is the subset of texts relevant to a reconsideration of the concept of fascism.
This is the antithesis of idiotic approach to these events of the
two-party discursive field, which is useful only as semiotics.*
*from F. Nietzsche, Twilight of the Idols (p. 51 Penguin)
To
this extent media discourse* is never to be taken literally: as such,
it never contains anything but nonsense. But as semiotics it
remains of incaculable value: it reveals, to the informed man, at
least, the
most precious realities of cultures and inner worlds which did not know
how to "understand" themselves. Media discourse** is merely
sign-language, merely sympomology.
* "moral judgement" in the original
** "Morality" in the original
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d
1. mass shootings
Understanding Mass Shootings through the lens of
fascism: texts & data
Archive
refers to the set of all texts, data sources, etc. In the pre-internet
days, it included the contents of all libraries, court records,
newspapers--everything that a researcher might look at. However,
in the age of the internet the archive has been expanded to include all
materials available over the internet, including videos, graphic
materials, tweets, etc. I have assembled a subset of texts* addressing the question of fascism.*
Mind refers
to the cognitive-discursive fields extant among contemporary
humans. Nomothetic discursive fields are useful in that they
provide background materials (occupation, income, education), but are
useless when it comes to understanding living humans.
Hermeneutical discursive fields (Kant, Hegel,
Nietzsche, Heiddeger, Foucault) are indespensible for such
understanding.
Data refers to the set of life worlds (hermeneutical materials) assembled. It is necessary to read and assimilate these materials, for
they are meant to be used as a lens through which to view the three mass
shootings selected for analysis.
* On the method whereby texts are assembled, see Notebook (The Cassirer inclusion rule, and the the Margolies exclusion rule).
** One of these texts is Ely Zaretsky's "The Mass Psychology of Trumpism" (London Review of Books, 18 September 2018). These 19 paragraphs should be read immediately.
Attention should be paid to the cognitive-discursive field that
Zaretsky deploys: "There is an older body of psychological thought,
however, that illuminates the kind of tight bond Trump has forged with
a significant minority of Americans. Inspired by Freud, this thought
arose following the rise of fascism and Nazism in Europe . . . "
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ThThe Social Origins of Language (excerpts).
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thought can be
structured in relation of the problematic posed
the striking thing about these three shooters
1. white on white
2. white on black
3. hispanic on hispanic
is that they were extreme cases of the paranoid-schizoid position
(which concept is a further development of Freud's mechanisms of
defense)
when these mechanisms/configurations*-what I refer to as the sado-sexual eigenvector of GOP performativity
of aadolescent male rage exploited by specialists in
rage: the grass roots leadership of the GOP..
* this I think is what Klein means by "positions": stable configurations of the defense mechanisms
it is when these configurations become valorized in mass politics . . .
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" . . . this was just how teen boys talked on the Internet
these days — a blend of rage and misogyny so predictable they could
barely tell each one apart." |
mass shootings (cont.)
“Before massacre, Uvalde gunman frequently threatened teen girls online”
“Before massacre, Uvalde gunman frequently threatened teen girls online” (Washington Post, May 28, 2022)
Some* also suspected this was just how teen boys talked on the Internet
these days — a blend of rage and misogyny so predictable they could
barely tell each one apart. One girl, discussing moments when he had
been creepy and threatening, said that was just “how online is.”
Many of Ramos’ threats to assault women, the young women added, barely
stood out from the undercurrent of sexism that pervades the Internet .
. .
*of the girls and young women who talked with Salvador Ramos online in the
months before he allegedly killed 19 children in an elementary school
in Uvalde, Texas.
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* see Telephone Threats to Lawmakers
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Mind refers
to the cognitive-discursive fields extant among contemporary
humans. |
from Edward R. Tufte, The Visual Display of Quantiative Information, 2nd edition (Graphics Press, 2001)
The
use of abstract, non-representational pictures to show numbers is a
surprisingly recent invention, perhaps because of the divesity of
skills required--the visual-artistic, empirical-statistical, and
mathematical. It was not until 1750-1800 that statistical
graphics--length and area to show quantity, time-series, scatterplots,
and multivariate displays--were invented, long after such triumphs of
mathematical ingenuity as logarithms, Cartesian coordinates, the
calculus, and the basics of probability theory. . . .
Modern data graphics can
do much more than simply substitute for small statisstical
tables. At their best, graphics are instruments for reosoning
about quantitative information. Often the most effective way to
describe, explore, and summarize a set of numbers--even a very large
set--is to look at pictures of those numbers.
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this graph has a serious flaw: it does not adjust for population.

America’s Gun Problem
More guns in the U.S. mean more deaths. 5-26-22. NYT
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Problems Encountering the Data
The page fascism: data assembles online media accounts of those arrested for their participation in the
events of January 6, 2020. Attempts were made to ascertain
occupational status and history, education, and income. Limitations in the
reporting of local media made this extremely difficult. And these
limitations themselves became a discovery, an insight into the decay of the cognitive-discursive fields of the two-party system.
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mass shootings (cont.)
fascism: data:
a lens through which to view the three mass
shootings:
Findings
What we found was a population in
the process of marginalization. The instability in their lives was
manifested in the difficulty of category formation. The standard
occupational and industry classifications* are inadequate, indeed
misleading.
Gyms, bars, tatoo parlors, restaurants, salons, and gun shops
occur regularly in the entire
dataset. To view the individual owners of these establishments
solely in terms of their role as "shop owners" is misleading.
What we are really dealing with is social networks, not Cartesian
selves.
Very few of the arrestees were connected to mainstrean occupations and industries: none
in manufacturing, none in the building trades, none in the modern
corporate sector.
The bottom line: out of the collapse of the economic basis for socialization
into adulthood within the psycho-cultural framework provided by white
supremacy, there results a prolongation of adolescent sadism (Goldberg
and Weitz).
Thus, about one third of the arrestees were employed in the
performative domain of "legitimate" violence: military, police,
security guards.
Another third were low-wage service workers in very small establishments.
Above all, many of the
arrestees come across as grifters. Indeed, the entire Trump
administration could be characterized as a swarm of grifters.** The GOP as a whole is a party dominated by grifters (although it still has within it honorable conservatives).
* North American Industry Classification System (U.S. Census Bureau)
Standard Occupational Classification System (Bureau of Labor Statistics)
**Herman Melville's The Confidence Man (1857). Karen Halttunen, Confidence men and painted women: a study of middle-class culture in America, 1830-1870 (Yale, 1982)
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Critique of Liberalism (MSNBC as discursive field)
A University of Chicago study found that
40
percent [of the arrestees] are business owners or hold white-collar jobs. Unlike the
stereotypical extremist, many of the alleged participants in the
Capitol riot have a lot to lose. They work as CEOs, shop owners,
doctors, lawyers, IT specialists, and accountants. Strikingly, court
documents indicate that only 9 percent are unemployed.
And from the New York Times (January 26, 2021):
"class with radical chains" seemed to come not from the fringes of American society but
from white picket-fence Main Street backgrounds — firefighters and real
estate agents, a marketing executive and a Town Council member.
This characterization is profoundly wrong. It fails
to comprehend the reality of a population in
the process of marginalization.
In Fascism: Data,
we sorted the arrestees by state and organization. Among the
states and organizations we looked at, the Oathkeeepers were the most
"middle class." They are a general manager at a car dealership, a
self-employed
carpenter, a window washer, a tatoo parlor owner, the owner of a
marginal day-car facility, and a former police officer. The
outlier in this table--and that by a long-shot--is Stewart Rhodes, Yale
Law School, clerk for an Arizona Supreme Court Justice, and a staffer
for
Ron Paul.
In fact, any concept implying middle-class stability cannot be used to
describe this dataset. What one really sees here is one of the
more monstrous effects of what is misleadingly called
globalization. The transformations of postmodern capitalism are
not only spatial. They are technological (automation),
occupational (gig workers on the one hand, exqusitely refined
high-income-oriented services and commodity-fetishes on the other) . .
. and cultural-psychological (nihilism) (Ehrenberg]
What would happen, we began to wonder in the 1980s, to the displaced
masses thus produced. We have our answer: they would become the
cannon-fodder of fascism American style*. And the two-party system
is the death spiral of a once great nation. Speaking now as a
21st century New Dealer, today's liberal democratic party is 1. an
agent of globalization without the necessary planning that was a
hallmark of the New Deal; 2. a collaborator with the GOP in its support
of no child left behind (and thus, the destruction of public education
in workering class America; and a cheerleader for nihilism . . .
* and the subject of of books like Deaths of Despair.
What School Shooters Have in Common: Data-driven pathways for preventing gun violence, By Jillian Peterson & James Densley (Education Week, October 08, 2019)
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a
lens through which to view the three mass
shootings, or, why look at the context of the shooters' actions and not
simply at the shooters in isolation from the contexts out of which
their actions emerge?
Zaretsky critiques the Cartesian presuppositional matrix of
most
of the effort that has gone into analysing Trump, who is often
described as suffering from ‘narcissistic personality disorder’.
Not only are such diagnoses, made from a distance, implausible; they
also fail to address a more important question: the nature of Trump’s appeal.
Constituting something close to a third of the electorate, his
followers form an intensely loyal and, psychologically, tight-knit
band. They are impervious to liberal or progressive criticisms of Trump
or his policies. On the contrary, their loyalty thrives on anti-Trump arguments, and digs in deeper.
Read especially
the three telephone threats to Congresspersons; realize how
representative these are of the general character of the bursts of
epithets characteristic of the arrestees' verbal and online activity;
and discover the same thing in White Hot Hate. These bursts of
epithetic discourse form a pattern. They are manifestations of the sado-sexual eigenvector of GOP performativity.
The bursts of
epithetical discourse of the three shooters are similar in structure
and content. But this content is, in concentrated form, the
Republican Party's rhetorical essence. These events can only be
seen as a triumph of the GOP's political praxis going back to the
Southern Strategy. Do not be deceived by the GOP's leaders' crocodile tears for the victims of these shootings.
The shootings are just another occasion for the GOP to play the
gun-card. And one should note the sadistic performative esense*
of the shift to the shibboleth of "mental health" in response to
liberal cries for gun "safety" legislation. "Mental health" functions in the same way as "arm the teachers."
Just look at the image below, and the two quotes on either side of it. The
gun is the sacred icon of the GOP; mass murder the sacred ideal, the
path to redemption, the antithesis of the Sermon on the Mount.
One should read Matthew chapters 5, 6 and 7 as a critique of the
violence, lust, greed, and dishonesty that, for example, dominates the
GOP leadershhip and cadre. And not only the GOP. But it is
the GOP that claims the mantle of Jesus, the GOP that substitutes the
AR 15 and the AK 47 for the Cross. And John 8:7: "Let he who is
without sin cast the first stone." The public stance of the GOP
is nothing other than throwing stones (in private, greed and fraud is the rule; throwing stones is the means to this end).
This secular message of Jesus is more relevant today than it was two thousand years ago. Read the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of Marx in this context.
* see excerpt from Jonathan Franzen's The Corrections at the right.
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the sado-sexual eigenvector of GOP performativity
. . . fiction is nearer truth. . . . A historian may
be an artist too, and a novelist is a historian . . .
from Jonathan Franzen, The Corrections (FSG, 2011)
It was true that Alfred believed the only thing wrong with the death
penalty was that it wasn’t used often enough; true as well that the men
whose gassing or electrocution he’d called for, over dinner in Chip’s
childhood, were usually black men from the slums on St. Jude’s north
side. (“Oh, Al,” Enid would say, because dinner was “the family meal,”
and she couldn’t understand why they had to spend it talking about gas
chambers and slaughter in the streets.) p. 128
from Joseph Conrad's "Henry James: an Appreciation" (1905)
Fiction
is history, human history, or it is nothing. But it is also more than
that; it stands on firmer ground, being based on the reality of forms
and the observation of social phenomena, whereas history is based on
documents, and the reading of print and handwriting--on second-hand
impression. Thus fiction is nearer truth. . . . A historian may
be an artist too, and a novelist is a historian, the preserver, the
keeper, the expounder, of human experience.
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Trump is "not hurting the people he needs to be hurting"
from It’s Just Too Much’: "A Florida Town Grapples With a Shutdown After a Hurricane, New York Times, 1-7-19.
I voted for him, and he’s the one
who’s doing this,” an employee of the Federal prison in the Florida
Panhandle said. “I thought he was going to do good things. He’s not
hurting the people he needs to be hurting.
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mass shootings (cont.)
The cult of sado-sexual "masculine" violence is the fundamental principle of Modern "authoritarian" performativities

Trump-Putin-et. al.
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The Second Amendment, as written:
A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free
state, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be
infringed.
The Second Amendment, as discussed:
A well-regulated militia, being
necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to
keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.
on the origins of the second amendment
from The Framers' Coup: The Making of the United States Constitution, by Michael J. Klarman (Oxford, 2016):
When Antifederalist
congressmen proposed structural amendments that Madison deemed
potentially harmful, he sometimes converted them into individual-rights
guarantees that he considered innocuous. Thus, while
Antifederalists sought an amendment limiting Congress's power to raise
standing armies in time of peace, Madison offered instead a guarantee
of the right 'to keep and bear arms' in connection with militia
service. p. 578
It is a striking index of the
cognitive insufficiency (to put it nicely),
near-illiteracy, and the mendacity of our times, that the text
itself is never actually discussed in the public sphere. Why
not? (see Semiotic Regimes: the two-party discursive field.)
We no longer read. We
are a post-print, oral culture, possessed only of the technical
capacity to sound out words. But we don't actually read. The entire public discussion of the Second Amendment bears witness to this fact.
. . . a post-print, oral culture? But not a culture rooted
in locality, in face-to-face interactions--what used to be called
"traditional" societies. Powerful institutions, both global and
national, work up us humans as materials to be shape to their needs and
interests.
*Tom McCarthy, Satin Island (Knopf, 2015)
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o
The New Deal
and
the UAW
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base camp 1:
the Unity Caucus
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base camp 2:
the Keynesian Elite in the New Deal State
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the UAW (Unity Caucus):
a cultural historical base camp from which observations can be made regarding the historicity of language and
cognition and the historicity of violence
Intersubjectivity, Shared Intentionality, and the Extended Mind:
the UAW (Unity Caucus):
Bildungsproletarians and Plebeian Upstarts

the UAW, 1933-1943: a working notebook
Bildungsproletarians
The UAW, 1933-43: Networks of Power

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This
site uses figurative elements, including graphs, tables,
charts,
and maps, originally to advance an analysis of the historical
trajectory: the New
Deal to Donald Trump, but the events of the second decade of the 21st
century, when viewed through the lens provided by The Social Origins of
Language, forced me to see that there was a bigger picture.
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Fig. 0. (The bigger picture). The Evolutionary Context of the 2016 election: from the origins
of language to the end of print literacy in the United States
larger image
The
rule governing this page is to think in terms of these figurative elements,
which form a set of synthetic a prioris. In certain cases a
text is made to function as a synthetic a priori. The Southern Strategy: the Lacan-Atwater
Signifying Chain is one such a case. Another is the Freud-Jamieson Black Hole of Liberalism.
These synthetic a prioris are also elementary particles.* That is, they are the
building blocks of intelligibility within a hermeneutical modus
operandi.
This may be what Deleuze means by transcendental
empiricism, which is consistent with Hegel's notion of the concrete
universal.
*synthetic
a priori and elementary particles may appear contradictory. Elementary
particles usually refers to the building blocks of matter—the standard
positivist-materialist reduction. Here synthetic a prioris are the
building blocks of intelligibility within a hermeneutical modus
operandi. See Alexander Luria, The Making of Mind.
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the Keynesian Elite in the New Deal State:
a cultural historical base camp from which
observations can be made regarding the historicity of language and
cognition and the historicity of violence.
Intersubjectivity, Shared Intentionality, and the Extended Mind:
The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal state

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the absent masses
a. plebeian upstarts
1. the Joe Adams ratio: 10.6% (Dodge Main) PF
2. the Charlie Yaeger ratio: 7.2% (Buick) Skeels
3. the Bud Simons ratio: 7.5% (Fisher Body 1) Skeels p. 16
b. bildungsproletarians: 0.1%, or about one in a thousand
Dodge Main: 2 ratios (21,894 members in Fall 1939)
n=13 (0.06%): Meeting of the Chrysler Executive Boards and shop committees, November 7, 1939
n=34. (0.16%): Emergency Meeting of Chrysler Executive Boards and Shop Committees, October 8, 1939
c. the Paul Silver/John Anderson triangulation: locals 410, 238, and 350
d. the James Lindahl retrospective
e. the Charlie Yaeger retrospective
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Thermidor
Detroit News, May 2, 1937

click here for full text
Thermidor: August 1938
"Why, Ed Smith voted for a bill that would permit a big buck Nigger to sit by your wife or sister on a railroad train,"
from William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal (Harper, 1963)
Roosevelt
had hoped that, by distinguishing between liberal and conservative
representatives, he could win popular support for the creation of a
liberal Democratic party. Unhappily, ideological issues that
seemed clear in Washington blurred in South Carolina. When Cotton
Ed Smith waged a white-supremacy campaign, the New Deal's candidate,
Governor Olin Johnston, replied in kind. "Why, Ed Smith voted for
a bill that would permit a big buck Nigger to sit by your wife or
sister on a railroad train," the Governor cried. p268
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Reading and Modernity
Martyn Lyons, A History of Reading and Writing In the Western World (2010)
9. The Reading Fever, 1750-1830
("Everyone in Paris is reading . . . People read while riding in
carriages or taking walks . . . Women, children, journeymen
and apprentices read in shops. On Sundays people read while
seated at the front of their houses; lackeys read on their
back seats, coachmen up on their boxes, and soldiers keeping guard."
10. The Age of the Mass Reading Public (“Between the 1830s and the First World War . . . a mass reading public came into existence.”)
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11. New Readers and Reading Cultures ("The half century between the 1880s and the 1930s was the golden age of the book in the West.")
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What is modernity?
This
map was only constructed in the time of Trump, although the
interviews that produced it were conducted in the
mid-1970s. Thus, it is only recently that I realized that the
Unity caucus was a fusion of bildungs-proletarians and plebeian
upstarts, was the vanguard of modernity* in the factories of
southeastern Michigan, and was organically related to the Keynesian
elite in the New Deal state. The bildungsproletarian component of
that fusion was made up mostly of communists and socialists (Lists of Bild.proles).
percent of workers in plants
plebeian upstarts: 7 to 10 percent
bildungs-proletarians: 0.06 to 0.16 percent
When placed in the contexts of Figure 0 and the periodization of the
history of reading and writing provided by Lyons, A History of Reading and Writing, the extended mind of
the Unity caucus becomes a cultural historical base camp from which
observations can be made regarding both the historicity of language and
cognition and the historicity of violence.
* What is modernity? Merlin Donald says it best: from from Merlin Donald, A Mind So Rare: the Evolution of Human Consciousness (W.W. Norton, 2001), pp. 301-2
Literacy skills change the functional organization of the brain and
deeply influence how individuals and communities of literate
individuals perform cognitive work. Mass literacy has triggered
two kinds of major cogitive reorganizations, one in individuals and the
other in groups.
There is no
equivalent in the preliterate mind to the circuits that hold the
complex neural components of a reading vocabulary or the elaborate
procedural habits of formal thinking. . . . Consider the impact of twenty or more years of schooling on
the brain of someone who has acquired full symbolic literacy in several
different
technical, mathematical, scientific, and musical fields. These
skills encumber neural resources on a vast scale and change how the
person's mind carries out its work.
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Fascism at Packard, circa 1942

Preferment
of Charges against Frank Buehrle by Kurt
Murdock, President of PACKARD LOCAL U.A.W.-C.I.O. #190, held at the
local Headquarters of the Local at 6100 Mt. Elliott Avenue, in the
City of Detroit, Michigan. April 3rd, 1942, at 7:30 P.M.
Fascism at the Rouge, circa 1941
from Nelson Lichtenstein, The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit:
Walter Reuther and the Fate of American Labor (Basic Books, 1995), p. 82
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From FDR to Donald Trump: I
Consider the cognitive performativities evident in these minutes:
Minutes of the
Murray Body Committee Local 2 at Executive Board Meeting, April 26,
1939, Toledo Ohio, Addes Collection, Box 14.11, Reuther Archives.
The members of the Local 2 Committee were:
Brother Hall from Spring &
Wire
Brother McDonnell from Stamping
Brothers Sanders and McWilliams
from Trim
Brother Smith from Frame (Ecorse plant)
Brother Manini,
Vice President
Also present was Executive Board member Walter Reuther
Walter
Reuther is the bildungsproletarian in the room. The members of
the
Murray Body committee were plebeian upstarts. Reuther, born into
the
Socialist civilization of the midwest, had been a student at Wayne
State University. The ad hoc committee members were most likely
high school graduates.
Now
compare the discussion among these UAW cadre with the discursive
performativity of Donald Trump as described in Rucker and Leonnig's
account of
Trump’s meeting in the Tank with the Joint Chiefs in A Very Stable Genius. ("the tank meeting had so
thoroughly shocked the conscience of military leaders that they tried
to keep it a secret")
in both cases we observe the
unfolding of cognitive-discursive processes within well-defined
rational-bureaucratic frameworks* where certain kinds of
cognitive-discursive performative competencies were to be expected (normativity).
*Also, Fiona Hill's account of Trump's cognitive-discursive performativity in ‘This Was Trump Pulling a Putin’ (New York Times, April 11, 2022)
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"He didn’t read.
He didn’t really even skim. Some believed that for all practical
purposes he was no more than semi-literate."
from "The President Who Doesn't Read," The Atlantic, January 5, 2018 (review of Michael Wolff’s Fire and Fury):
Ironically, it was the
publication of a book this week that crystallized the reality of just
how little Donald Trump reads. While . . . Trump’s indifference to the
printed word has been apparent for some time, the depth and
implications of Trump’s strong preference for oral communication over
the written word demand closer examination. "He didn’t process
information in any conventional sense," Wolff writes. "He didn’t read.
He didn’t really even skim. Some believed that for all practical
purposes he was no more than semi-literate."*
*"There is no
equivalent in the preliterate mind to the circuits that hold the
complex neural components of a reading vocabulary or the elaborate
procedural habits of formal thinking." Donald, A Mind So Rare.
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From FDR to Donald Trump: II
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania - Campaign Address (speech file 930), October 1, 1936
Oelwein, Iowa - Western Campaign Trip - Informal remarks (speech file 935), October 9, 1936
Madison Square Garden, Campaign Speech, October 31, 1936
Fireside Chat #13 - "Report to the Nation on National Affairs" (part 2) (speech file 1138B), June 24, 1938 View Online
The Liberalism of today's Dems is the antithesis of New Deal
progressivism
in two fundamental ways. First, the genetic ontology of
progressivism is
bildung and the will to power (civic republicanism); The genetic
ontology of liberalism is
nihilism (commercial republicanism: consumerism). Second, the
nation is the primary ontology--not interests groups or victims.
Third, planning is an integral part of progressive nationalism.
Today's liberalism is referred to as the left, thus covering
over the genetic-ontological transformation of the post-war years (see
Hall et. al.)
But there is a fourth difference between the progressivism of "FDR" and
today's liberalism.. The progressives should be thought in the
context of the concept of bildung.* Bildung is about character
and cognition on the one hand, but also about the relationship of
individual development to visions of national development that involve
the development, intellelctual/cognitive and cultural, of citizens.
Without understanding this, it is impossible to understand the history
of the UAW. And, also, without this understanding it is
immpossible to have even the foggiest idea about the catasterophic
disintegration of Mind in America.
**Frederick C. Beiser, "The Concept of Bildung in Early German Romanticism," in Beiser, The Romantic Imperative (Harvard, 2003)
Jerrold Seigel, The Idea of the Self: Thought and Experience since the Sesventeenth Century (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 301-4
Philippe-Joseph Salazar, "Reconnaissances of Marx", Philosophy & Rhetoric, Vol. 48, No. 4, 2015
Nordic Paths to Modernity, Jóhann Páll Árnsason and Björn Wittrock, eds .(Bergham Books, 2012)
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Progressive Capitalism

U.S. Political Economy by Sector, 1910 to 1939
input-output matrices: capital formations and the two-party system

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seeing the shopfloor through the eyes of the Unity Caucus
1. encounters with "the masses"
a. patrimonial formations: gangs and grifters
b. Masons and K of C
c. the middle (hometownsmen): Elder and Wainwright
d. Polish women (Herman Burt)
e. workhorse uncle toms
f. Hillbillies
2. encounters with plebeian upstarts
a. Bud Simons on Toledo flying squadron
b. Edmund Kord on guys from front welding
c. Bill Mazey and Joe Adams on the Italians
3. encounters with management
a. Earl Reynolds
b. Bud Simons
c. Murray Body spring committee
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Discussion of the above New Deal/UAW materials
2nd Copernican Revolution:
without it no understanding of agency is possible
We
cannot enter more deeply into the dynamic of organization that
generated the artifacts above re UAW-Unity caucus as extended mind/base
camp without deployment of those elements in the archive that provide a
language for talking about language and thought. It is for this reason that
these excerpts from the scholarly literature are inserted here.
In the first row: Barad, Emden, Kant, and Bryant, together with figure 0,
prelude to Trump: from the origins of language to the end of print literacy in the United States
In the second row, Chase, Dupré, and Calvin.
In the third row: the languages of the social sciences (incl. Sahlins)
In the fourth row, the languages of the public sphere.
After this, a return to the field of action of the Unity caucus
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History (White1) and Psychology (Flynn2)
1Richard
White, The Republic for which it Stands: The United States during
Reconstruction and the Guilded Agge, 1865-1896* (Oxford, 2017), pp.
2James R. Flynn, What is Intelligence? Beyond the Flynn Effect (Cambridge Univesity Press, 2009):
Our ancestors in 1900 were
not mentally retarded. . . . We differ from them in that we can
use abstractions and logic and the hypothetical to attack the formal
problems that arise when science liberates thought from concrete
situations. Since 1950 we have become more ingenious in going
beyond previously learned rules to solve problems on the spot.
pp. 10-11
The scientific ethos, with its vocabulary, taxonomies, and detachment
of logic and the hypothetical from concrete referents, has begun to
permeate the minds of post-industrial peoples. This has paved the
way for mass education on the university level and the emergence of an
intellectual cadre without whom our present civilization would be
inconceivable. p. 2
9
*This
book is essential reading. I chose the excerpts because they
provide a context for understanding the bildungsproletarians who were
the leading force in the organization of auto workers in the
1930s. White describes two things of immediate relevance: 1. the
cognitive-technical dimension of the vibrant industrial culture of
"Yankees". This becomes part of the cognitive-developmental
timeline. And 2. the creation of the Socialist civilization of
the midwest, into which the bildungsproletrians whom I interviewed were
born.
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On Language and Philosophy
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the primary
semantic units are not 'words' but material-discursive practices
through which (ontic and semantic) boundaries are constituted.
This dynamic is agency.
from Karen Barad, Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning (Duke University, 2007)
Discourse
is not a synonym for language. Discourse does not refer to
lingusitic or signifying systems, grammars, speech acts, or
conversations. To think of discourse as mere spoken or written
words forming descriptive statements is to enact the mistake of
representationalist thinking. Discourse is not what is
said; it is that which constrains and enables that which can be
said. Discursive practices define what counts as meaningful
statements. Statements are not the mere utterances of the
originating consciousness of a unified subject; rather, statements and
subjects emerge from a field of possibilities. This field of
possibilities is not static or singular but rather is a dynamic and
contingent multiplicity. 146-7
.
. . the primary ontological units are not 'things' but
phenomena--dynamic topological / reconfigurings / entanglements /
relationalities / (re)articulations of the world. And the primary
semantic units are not 'words' but material-discursive practices
through which (ontic and semantic) boundaries are constituted.
This dynamic is agency.
from Christian J. Emden, Nietzsche on Language, Consciousness, and the Body (University of Illinois Press, 2005), p. 75
In Die fröliche Wissenschaft
(1882) Nietzsche proposes that language enables us to “produce” things,
to shape our conception of reality: “This has given me the
greatest trouble and still does: to realize that what things are called
is incomparably more important than what they are . . . it is
sufficient to create new names and estimations and probabilities in
order to create, in the long run, new ‘things’” (GS 58).
For
Nietzsche, language lets us grasp, order, and judge what we regard as
reality, and it also gives us the means to reflect on this reality
through the development of general terms and concepts, which let us
realize similarities and relations among things and see contexts and
construct coherent systems of belief about this reality. Our
experience and knowledge of reality . . . is therefore embedded in a
network of concepts delineating what we perceive as our environment.
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← On Language and Philosophy →
↓
prelude to Trump: from the origins of language to the end of print literacy in the United States

larger image
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Thoughts without intuitions are empty; intuitions without concepts are blind.
from Imanuel Kant, Critique of Pure Reason (1781/1787)
Thoughts without intuitions are empty; intuitions without concepts are blind.
from Eckart Förster, The Twenty-Five Years of Philosophy: a Systematic Reconstruction (Harvard, 2012)
. . . concepts have their
basis in functions, by which Kant understands “the unity of the act of
bringing various representations under one common representaton.”
(A68). A concept is a rule for combining certain representations
(and thus also a principle for excluding certain others). Thus
the represesntations’white’, ‘grainy’, ‘saline’ are combined and
ordered in the concept ‘salt, while the representations ‘colorless’,
‘liquid’, ‘tasteless’ (say) are not. In this way a concept is a
rule allowing me to unite certain representations and to bring them
under a higher representation, i.e. the concept. (pp. 22-3)
Cognition does not consist merely in the collecting of phenomena;
rather we strive to forge conceptual links between them and to grasp
the laws of nature that are valid for specific classes of objects as
cases of yet more general laws, whereby we are guided by the ideal of a
unified explanation of nature. (p. 38)
“To make concepts out of representations one must be able to compare,
to reflect, and to abstract, for these three logical operations of the
understanding are the essential and universal conditions for the generation
of every concept whatsoever. I see, e.g., a spruce, a willow, and
a linden. By first comparing these objects with one another I
note that they are different from one another in regard to the trunk,
the branches, the leaves, etc.; but next I reflect on that which they
have in common among themselves, trunk, branches, and leaves
themselves, and I abstract from the quantity, the figure, etc., of
these; thus I acquire a concept of a tree.” (pp. 250
from Levi R. Bryant, Difference and Givenness: Deleuze's Transcendental Empiricism and the Ontology of Immanence (Northwestern University Press, 2008)
.
. . . so long as philosophy assumes that thought has a natural affinity
with the true . . . a specific form of objectivity (natural common
sense), and bases itself on the model of recognition, thought cannot
help but become unconsciously trapped in its own implicit
presuppositions which are culturally, historically, and socially
contingent. . . . Deleuze thus begins with a critique of the
transcendental subject as a structure consisting of invariant
categories. (17)
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This emergent property of human culture has important implications.
from Philip G. Chase, The Emergence of Culture. The Evolution of a Uniquely Human Way of Life (Springer, 2006)* pp. 1-2
Human behavior and
ape behavior, like that of all mammals, is guided in part by ideas,
concepts, beliefs, etc. that are learned in a social context from other
individuals of the same species. Among humans, however, some of
these are not just learned socially but are also created socially,
through the interactions of multiple individuals. . . . Culture
cannot be understood at the level of the individual alone.
Knowing the motivations and mental constructs of the individuals
invlved may be necessary to understand cultural creations or cultural
changes, but it is not sufficient. It is also necessary to
analyze the interactions of those involved. In this sense, human
culture is an emergent phenomenon in a way that nonhuman "culture" is
not. As Mihata (1997:36) put it,
what we describe most often as culture is an
emergent pattern existing on a separate level of organization and
abstraction from the individuals, organizations, beliefs, practices or
cultural objects that constitute it. Culture emerges from the
simultaneous interaction of subunits creating meaning (individuals,
organizations, etc.)
This emergent property of human culture has
important implications. It makes the nature of human social life
different in fundamental ways from that of all other species (in spite
of the continuities that also exist). It makes it possible for
groups of humans to coordinate their behavior in ways that are
impossible for nonhumans. It changes the relationship of the
individual to the social group. Because culture provides
motivations for the behavior of the individual, it gives the group a
means of controlling the individual that is absent among other
primates. Among all living humans, culture provides a (uniquely
human) mental or intellectual context for almost everything the
individual thinks or does.
*Reviewed by Leonid Vishnyatsky, Institute for the History of Material Culture, Dvortsovaya nab. 18, St. Petersburg, 191186, RUSSIA
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it is the fitting of action into some kind of systematic pattern
that distinguishes the truly free agent from one who merely has the
ability to respond to the whim of the moment
from
John Dupré, "Causality and Human Nature in the Social Sciences," in
Processes of Life: Essays in the Philosophy of Biology (Oxford, 2012)
It is . . . clear
that recognition of the variety of factors involved in development
makes possible a diversity of individual outcomes within even quite
narrowly defined populations. (285)
. . . the human mind . . . involves a new level of capacity to transform the world beyond the organism. (291)
If I simply act in pursuit of whatever passing whim
is uppermost at the moment I exhibit no more causal power than any
other animal. If I choose to build a bridge, write a book, or
cook dinner, and subordinate my choice of actions to this decision, I
exercise to a greater or lesser degree a distinctively human ability to
shape the world. In the social realm, the ability to confrom to
principle, above all moral principle, is the kind of regimentation of
behaviour that constitutes a uniquely human achievement. (291)
. . . it is the fitting of action into some
kind of systematic pattern that distinguishes the truly free agent from
one who merely has the ability to respond to the whim of the moment;
and . . . [what emerges is] the ontological picture of the human
agent as an entity enabled to pursue complex goals or engage in
patterns of action over time by the acquisition of a uniquely rich
range of capabilities. (293)
I wish to emphasize particularly the ability of cultural evolution to transform the developmental niche. And here, at least in contemporary developed countries,
it seems clear that humans have learned in quite recent times to
construct a remarkably novel environment for the development of their
young. . . . [T]hese prodigious changes to the human environment,
concretizations of our rapidly evolving culture, profoundly affect the
developmental resources available to growing humans. For that
reason their introduction should be seen as representing major
evolutionary change. (284)
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The steeper gradients between rich and poor may produce
surprising social effects unless we do something about the rich getting
richer.
from
William Calvin, A Brief History of the Mind: From Apes to Intellect and
Beyond (Oxford University Press, 2004). See Calvin's Webpage
It is just in the
last 1 percent of that up-from-the-apes period that human creativity
and technological capabilities have really blossomed. It's been
called "The Mind's Big Bang." In our usual expansive sense of
"mind," the history of the mind is surprisingly brief, certainly when
compared with the long increase in brain size and the halting march of
toolmaking. xiv
. . . there are emergent properties lurking
in anything that produces a steep gradient. . . I can imagine
softwiring emergents in the brain intensively engaging in structured
stuff at earlier ages. The steeper gradients between rich and
poor may produce surprising social effects unless we do something about
the rich getting richer. 177-8
"Yet once our education has the techniques to
incorporate what is being learned about brain plasticity and inborn
individual differences, we are likely to produce many more adults of
unusual abilities, able to juggle twice as many concepts at once, able
to follow a longer chain of reasoning, able to shore up the lower
floors of their mental house of cards to allow fragile new levels to be
tried out, metaphors and beyond--the survival of the stable but on a
higher level yet again." 183
"Such education, perhaps more than any of the
imagined genetic changes, could make for a very different adult
population. We would still look the same coming out of the womb,
would still have the same genetics, but adults could be substantially
different. A lot of the elements of human intelligence are things
like that, while they also have a genetic basis, are malleable; we
ought to be able to educate for superior performance."
184
"But at the high end, what might pump us up even
higher? If our conscisness is a house of cards, perhaps there are
techniques, equivalent to bending the cards, that will allow us to
spend more time at the more abstract levels. Can we shore up our
mental edifices to build much taller "buildings" or discover the right
mental "steel?""
Emergents are hard to predict, and they are not all beneficial . . . " (pp. 177-78) (p. 186)
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the language(s) of the social sciences (Weber, Marx, Durkheim)
The Social Origins of Language (excerpts).
I rely on the work of these researchers to situate the problem of the
disintegration of language and cognition in its evolutionary context.*
I rely on the work of researchers in developmental psychology to
provide analytical frameworks for evaluating cognitive-discursive
performativity.**
On
patrimonialism, I rely on Richard Lachman, Julia Adams and Randall
Collins for a general orientation, and on Henry Hale, Samuel Greene and
Graeme Robertson for deployment of the concept to the case of Putin's
Russia.***
* Daniel Dor, Chris Knight, and Jerome Lewis, The Social Origins of Language (Oxford, 2014)
** the PISA Results: Evolutionary, Historical, Developmental, and Psychological Perspectives and the Sapient Paradox,
*** Henry E. Hale, Patronal Politics: Eurasian Regime Dynamics in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge, 2015); Hale et. al., eds., Developments in Russian Politics 9 (Yale, 2019); Samuel A. Greene and Graeme B. Robertson, Putin vs. the People: the Perilous Politics of a Divided Russia (Yale, 2019) |
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Foucault, Freud, and Nietzsche
Ely Zaretsky, "The Mass Psychology of Trumpism" (London Review of Books, 18 September 2018). These 19 paragraphs should be read immediately.
Lehr, White Hot Hate: A True Story of Domestic Terrorism in America's Heartland
every GOP rhetorical gesture is generated by the grammar, and drawn from the lexicon,
of the sado-sexual eigenvector that runs like a river of blood through
the body politic.
sado-sexual eigenvector is ontologically prior to "racism", mysogyny,
war-mongering. Eigenvector the primordial core of being, of Being. (inner) Logic of language games
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x
x
x
x
Marshall Sahlins on Human Nature
from Marshall Sahlins, Hierarchy, Equality, and the Sublimation of Anarchy: The Western Illusion of human nature. The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at The University of Michigan, November 4, 2005
Human
culture, it needs be considered, is much older than human nature:
culture has been in existence for two million years or more, ten or
fifteen times longer than the modern human species, homo sapiens.
Respectable biological opinion has come around to seeing the human
brain as a social organ, evolving in the Pleistocene under the
“pressure” of maintaining a relatively extended, complex, and solidary
set of social relationships. This is to say that culture, which is
the condition of the possibility of this successful social
organization, thereby conditioned the possibilities of the human
organism, body and soul. The “pressure” was to become a cultural
animal, or, more precisely, to culturalize our animality. For two
million years, we have evolved biologically under cultural
selection. Not that we are or were “blank slates,” lacking any
inherent biological imperatives, only that what was uniquely selected
for in the genus homo was the ability to realize these imperatives in
the untold different ways that archaeology, history, and anthropology
have demonstrated. Biology became a determined determinant,
inasmuch as its necessities were mediated and organized symbolically.
What is
most pertinent to the relations between physis and nomos is not (for
example) that all cultures have sex but that all sex has culture.
sexual drives are variously expressed and repressed according to local
determinations of appropriate partners, occasions, times, places, and
bodily practices. We sublimate our generic sexuality in all kinds of
ways—including its transcendence in favor of the higher values of
celibacy, which also proves that in symbolic regimes there are more
compelling ways of achieving immortality than the inscrutable mystique
of the “selfish gene.”
As it is
for sex, so for other inherent needs, drives, or dispositions:
nutritional, aggressive, egoistic, sociable, compassionate—whatever
they are, they come under symbolic definition and thus cultural
order. In the occurrence, aggression or domination may take the
behavioral form of, say, the new Yorker’s response to “Have a nice
day”—“don’t tell me what to do!” We war on the playing
fields of Eton, give battle with swear words and insults, dominate with
gifts that cannot be reciprocated, or write scathing book reviews of
academic adversaries. Eskimos say gifts make slaves, as whips make
dogs. But to think that, or to think our proverbial opposite, that
gifts make friends—a saying that like the Eskimos’ goes against the
grain of the prevailing economy—requires that we are born with “watery
souls,” waiting to manifest our humanity for better or worse in the
meaningful experiences of a particular way of life.
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Two Public Spheres
The
concept of the public sphere as developed by Habermas and others
referred originally to the print-based discurive environment of salons,
coffee houses within which the discourse of republicanism was
developed. This was a very limited public, not only at first
Today a print-based sphere lingers on, but insofar as we are talking
about the kind of issues addressed--public issues of politics--the
second public sphere is non-print media-based, and has an entirely
different emotional and congitive orientation. The second pubic
sphere is the arena in which politico-cor[oprate elites manipulate
languae
. . . a post-print, oral culture? But not a culture rooted in
locality, in face-to-face interactions--what used to be called
"traditional" societies. Powerful institutions, both global and
national, work up us humans as materials to be shape to their needs and
interests.
the death spiral of the two-party system.
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The two-party System: Semiotic Regimes I
Cognitive Performativities and Emotional Configurations
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LEFT*
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RIGHT
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Topology
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depressive
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paranoid-schizoid
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Political style
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progressive
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proto-Dorian
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Cognitive mode
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concrete & pre-op
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pre-op and gestural
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Regime type
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rational-bureaucratic
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patrimonial
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X
X
X
Bildungsproletarians
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"There is no
equivalent in the preliterate mind to the circuits that hold the
complex neural components of a reading vocabulary or the elaborate
procedural habits of formal thinking."
from from Merlin Donald, A Mind So Rare: the Evolution of Human Consciousness (W.W. Norton, 2001), pp. 301-2
Literacy skills change the functional organization of the brain and
deeply influence how individuals and communities of literate
individuals perform cognitive work. Mass literacy has triggered
two kinds of major cogitive reorganizations, one in individuals and the
other in groups.
There is no
equivalent in the preliterate mind to the circuits that hold the
complex neural components of a reading vocabulary or the elaborate
procedural habits of formal thinking. . . . Consider the impact of twenty or more years of schooling on
the brain of someone who has acquired full symbolic literacy in several
different
technical, mathematical, scientific, and musical fields. These
skills encumber neural resources on a vast scale and change how the
person's mind carries out its work.
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the Enlightenment as a cultural-historical developmental leap (the Symbolic Order of Progressivism)
1Richard
White, The Republic for which it Stands: The United States during
Reconstruction and the Guilded Agge, 1865-1896* (Oxford, 2017), pp.
Edward Stevens Jr., The Grammar of the Machine: Technical Literacy and Early Industrial Expansion in the United States (Yale, 1995)
comment on Margaret Jacob's The First Knowledge Economy: Human Capital and the European Economy, 1750-1850 (Cambridge, 2014).
Jacob's
emphasis on the socio-cultural networks, circles, meeting houses of
these first "industrialists"; her emphasis on the role of books as
emotionally charged world-opening objects--one sees here both
Vygotsky's notion of zone of proximal development broadened and
historicized, and Alcorn's understanding
of the development of self that can result from an an engagement with a
text. In this way Jacob expands our concept of the Enlightenment.
This requires a reconceptualization of what is called the
Enlightenment--the Enlightenment as a cultural-historical developmental
leap--an ontological leap, a cognitive revolution, a new Symbolic
Order. The superorganisism of the enlightenment . . . from the 18th
century to the New Deal (Schiller Hall, Detroit (and the UAW
bildungs-proletarians). Scientific reasoning is not merely about
knowledge. It is about functioning on the formal-operational level.
In the adventure of it, the jouissance of developmental transgression
and becoming, lies the secret of the bildungs-proletarians and plebian
upstarts who gave us so many Nietzschean spectacles (the Toledo auto
lite strike, the Midland Steel sitdown strike, the Flint sitdown strike,
the 1943 Dodge Main strike . . . )
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"The half century between the 1880s and the 1930s was the golden age of the book in the West."
Martyn Lyons, A History of Reading and Writing In the Western World (2010)
9. The Reading Fever, 1750-1830
("Everyone in Paris is reading . . . People read while riding in
carriages or taking walks . . . Women, children, journeymen
and apprentices read in shops. On Sundays people read while
seated at the front of their houses; lackeys read on their
back seats, coachmen up on their boxes, and soldiers keeping guard."
10. The Age of the Mass Reading Public (“Between the 1830s and the First World War . . . a mass reading public came into existence.”)
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11. New Readers and Reading Cultures ("The half century between the 1880s and the 1930s was the golden age of the book in the West.")
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(connective tissue)
reading was an activity that was central to
self-fashioning
We
take reading for granted today without realizing that reading about
something in newspapers, books, and pamphlets is different from the
mere capacity to sound out words. In my interviews with
bildungsproletarians I found a milieu of the kind of print-based
association we read about in the various works of scholars of the late
18th and early 19th century growth of a public sphere. The salons
where enlightened aristocrats and middle class readers met to discuss
politics, philosophy, and society should be considered as nodes in the
discursive field of modernity.
Schiller Hall in Detroit should be viewed as just such a radical salon, a
node in the discursive field of modernity, a meeting place of the
bildungsproletarians. Ed Lock (at the right), proud grandson of a Civil War veteran, communist, Ford, provides an
account
of
the intellectual life of the bildungsproletarians who gathered in
Schiller
Hall. Saul Wellman (communist, Detroit and Flint), provides an
account of intellectual aspirations of new recruits to the
Party in Flint in the immediate post-war period. Joe Adams
(socialist, Dodge Main) provides an account of such modernist
sensibilities on Detroit's east side, and more generally among the
socialists he knew back in the day. (click here)
Reading was not only about something; it was also about becoming something, about self-fashioning:
"We
have seen," writes S.A. Smith, "that for 'conscous' workers in Russia and, to a lesser
extent, in China, reading was an activity that was central to
self-fashioning, constitutive of what it meant to be a cultured and
autonomous individual."
This is thus much more than mere reading in the sense that the term is understood in today's nearly illiterate society.
comment on Margaret Jacob's The First Knowledge Economy: Human Capital and the European Economy, 1750-1850 (Cambridge, 2014).
Jacob's
emphasis on the socio-cultural networks, circles, meeting houses of
these first "industrialists"; her emphasis on the role of books as
emotionally charged world-opening objects--one sees here both
Vygotsky's notion of zone of proximal development broadened and
historicized, and Alcorn's understanding
of the development of self that can result from an an engagement with a
text. In this way Jacob expands our concept of the Enlightenment.
This requires a reconceptualization of what is called the
Enlightenment--the Enlightenment as a cultural-historical developmental
leap--an ontological leap, a cognitive revolution, a new Symbolic
Order. The superorganisism of the enlightenment . . . from the 18th
century to the New Deal (Schiller Hall, Detroit (and the UAW
bildungs-proletarians). Scientific reasoning is not merely about
knowledge. It is about functioning on the formal-operational level.
In the adventure of it, the jouissance of developmental transgression
and becoming, lies the secret of the bildungs-proletarians and plebian
upstarts who gave us so many Nietzschean spectacles . . .
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Schiller Hall: a working class salon in Detroit
from my interview with Ed Lock (CP, UAW Local 600)
I was very active in MESA --- Ford in USSR petered out in March of 1933, and I was laid
off. Several months later I found employment in a job shop as a
milling machine operator. I got signed up in the MESA, that was a
unionized plant. The job didn't last long.
In that period I would hang out at the MESA hall, Schiller Hall* on
Gratiot Ave. . . It was very much a Left hall. I became very
interested in union . . . I was very young, 20 yrs old. My father was
AFL, a ship carpenter, but I didn't assimilate much from him. But I
became very interested in the MESA, and one of the characteristics of
the time was that large
numbers of radicals of all descriptions IWW, Communist, Socialist . . .
would come to this hall, and we would sort of sit around and have big
bull discussions with the old timers from the IWW and the Communists
and whoever was there . . . We would all participate in these
discussions, each of them would bring their literature round . . . I
got involved so to speak, I was unemployed, but I would still go
because I found these meetings fascinating, and I would participate in
the distribution of leaflets.
I would go out with some of the leaders, and go with John Anderson or
John Mack, who was a leader at that time. I went to--not so often to
Fords--but I went to the Cadillac plant, Ternstedt, places like this,
and GM, and would distribute organizational . . . I got involved in the
Detroit Stoveworks strike . . . The MESA had undertaken the
organization there and had a bitter strike there. A matter of fact I
had guns put in my ribs in this strike threatening to kill us. But
this was part of my education in the trade union movement.
*Schiller Hall in Detroit should be viewed as a radical salon, a
node in the discursive field of modernity, a meeting place of the
bildungsproletarians. Here Ed Lock (proud grandson of a Civil War veteran, communist, Ford) provides an
account
of
the intellectual life of the bildungsproletarians who gathered in
Schiller
Hall. Saul Wellman (communist, Detroit and Flint), provides an
account of intellectual aspirations of new recruits to the
Party in Flint in the immediate post-war period. Joe Adams
(socialist, Dodge Main) provides an account of such modernist
sensibilities on Detroit's east side, and more generally among the
socialists he knew back in the day. (click here) |
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Bildung
from S.A. Smith, Revolution and the People in Russia and China: A Comparative History (Cambridge Univesity Press, 2008)
We
have seen that for 'conscous' workers in Russia and, to a lesser
extent, in China, reading was an activity that was central to
self-fashioning, constitutive of what it meant to be a cultured and
autonomous individual. By contrast, the relation of the newly
literate and semi-literate readers of the lower urban classes to new
forms of commercially produced mass literature, produced with an eye to
entertainment rather than education, was far less earnest. . . . p. 100
Indeed, without denying the real potental for tension between
individual autonomy and class-based collectivism, we may conclude that
genuine forms of collectivism and cooperative action are possible only
where class solidarity is grounded in autonomous individuals capable of
demanding the recognition due to them as thinking, feeling
persons. Without that, new forms of group coercion based on weak
individuality are likely to be the result . . . 110
*Frederick C. Beiser, "The Concept of Bildung in Early German Romanticism," in Beiser, The Romantic Imperative (Harvard, 2003)
Jerrold Seigel, The Idea of the Self: Thought and Experience since the Sesventeenth Century (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 301-4
Philippe-Joseph Salazar, "Reconnaissances of Marx", Philosophy & Rhetoric, Vol. 48, No. 4, 2015
Nordic Paths to Modernity, Jóhann Páll Árnsason and Björn Wittrock, eds .(Bergham Books, 2012)
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cognitive-discursive field, cognitive discursive web, and cognitive-discursive performativity
I
have been using cognitive-discursive field, cognitive discursive web,
and cognitive-discursive performativity with the understanding that
these are provisional terms. It now appears that I may have known
what I was doing.
cognitive-discursive performativity
is the most straightforward. It builds upon the work of Piaget
and Vygotsky, of Luria and Ong, of Wittgenstein and of course, of
the authors of The Social Origins of Language. It also takes to
heart Stephen Ceci's observation*
The
possibility that there exists a more restless relationship between
intelligence and context, in which thinking changes both its nature and
its course as one moves from one situation to another, is enough to
cause shudders in some research quarters. It represents a move toward
a psychology of situations . . . xvi
The term intelligence is often
used synonymously with "IQ", "g", or "general intelligence", especially
in some of the psychometric literature. . . however, the ability to
engage in cognitively complex behaviors will be shown to be independent
of IQ, g, or general intelligence . . . cognitive complexity will be
seen to be the more general of the two notions and the one most
theoretically important to keep in mind when referring to intelligent
behavior. p. 22
cognitive discursive web refers to actual networks
of people who interact and discuss ideas and events in the context of a
cognitive-discursive field. Whereas cognitive discursive web refers to actual people in actual contact with one another, cognitive-discursive field is more elusive.** Vivian Gornick’s memoirs (Fierce Attachments and Odd Woman and the City)
provides us with vivid accounts of what such a field was and how it
worked. Gornick, in her teen years, became aware of the great
world of possibility, of self-fashioning, a dialectical dance of
encounter, immersion, and growth, a world that was nowhere and
everywher. This is the world of modern civilization.
*from Stephen J. Ceci, On Intelligence: A Bioecological Treatise on
Intellectual Development, expanded edition (Harvard University Press,
1996)
**web refers to actual people in actual contact with one another, cognitive-discursive field is more elusive
cognitive field is what Vivian Gornick
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Wyndham Mortimer to Chas, Mar. 22. 1938 (Reuther Library, Kraus Collection, Boxes 11 and 13)
Dear Chas:
Just read your letter and am very glad to hear from
you once again. You sure gave us a line on Anderson, and that is
exactly what we need. It is my opinion, that he is being brought
in for a purpose, and as long as these damned Lovestonites have
anything to do with it, you may rest assured the purpose is not a good
one. The “Unity” boys are sure making big inroads into the
“Martinsteen” camp, and it is my opinion if the convention were held
today he couldn't muster a corporals guard to support him.
Frankensteen is playing a very clever game, and is more than cordial to
us. He not only does not “Red Bait” but, actually made quite an
acceptable speech to the I.W.O.* in which he said “Of course we have
Communists in our organization, if they work in the shop their place is
in the union, along side every other worker.” He just plugs along
and tries to keep out of the fight that is going on, meanwhile letting
Martin take all the heat. We held a caucus here in Detroit on
Saturday and had two hundred delegates present from about sixty local
unions most of them former Martin supporters, and man oh man were they
burned up with this new G.M. agreement.
We get resolutions every day calling for a special convention and some
of them even say “For the purpose of removing President Martin.”
Fraternally yours.
Wyndham Mortimer
2958 Second Blvd.
*The International Workers Order
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s
s
s
s
on cogntive and cultural "awakening" in Flint in the
immediate post-war years
from my interview with Saul Wellman, Michigan State Chairman of the Communist Party at the time:
Saul
Wellman: Flint is what I consider to be the asshole of the world; it's
the roughest place to be. Now we recruited dozens of people to
the Party in Flint, and they came out of indigenous folk. And
those are the best ones. But we couldn't keep them in Flint very
long, once they joined the Party. Because once they came to the
Party a whole new world opened up. New cultural concepts, new
people, new ideas. And they were like a sponge, you know.
And Flint couldn't give it to them. The only thing that Flint
could give you was whorehouses and bowling alleys, you see. So
they would sneak down here to Detroit on weekends--Saturday and
Sunday--where they might see a Russian film or they might . . .
hear their first opera in their lives or a symphony or talk to people
that they never met with in their lives.
PF: to me that's one of the most significant processes of people becoming radicals, is this . . .
SW: but you lose them in their area . . .
PF: right. You lose them, but I think something is going on there
that I think radicals have not understood about their own movement . . .
SW: right . . .
PF: something about the urge toward self improvement . . .
SW: right . . .
and cultural advancement . . .
SW: right, right . . .
PF: and not to remain an unskilled worker in the asshole of the world . . .
SW: right, right. But there are two things going on at the same
time. The movement is losing something when a native indigenous
force leaves his community. On the other hand the reality of
joining a movement of this type is that the guy who is in the
indigenous area looks around and says this is idiocy, I can't survive
here.
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I want be very specific and very limited in the use of this term
(civilization). I am not referring to what is usually meant, which
generally excludes any notion biocultural development; and even when it
implicitly enters onto the terrain of the concept of biocultural
development, only does so accidentally. Our modern, science-based
technologically sophisticated society generally does not understand the
cognitive-developmental foundations on which it is built, and of course
has no comprehension of the cognitive-developmental catastrophe now
unfolding in the United States. This is why I repeat this excerpt from
Donald's A Mind So Rare
There is no
equivalent in the preliterate mind to the circuits that hold the
complex neural components of a reading vocabulary or the elaborate
procedural habits of formal thinking. . . . Consider the impact of twenty or more years of schooling on
the brain of someone who has acquired full symbolic literacy in several
different
technical, mathematical, scientific, and musical fields. These
skills encumber neural resources on a vast scale and change how the
person's mind carries out its work.
This world, that was everywhere and nowhere, was the world that
red-diaper babies were born into, for they were born into the
cognitive-discursive field of modernity. Wyman and Dor in The Social Origins of Language deal with these matters of intersubjectivity and interiority, of imagination and aspiration.
The publication of Henry George's Progress and Poverty
(1879) was a major event in the cognitive-discursive field of
modernity: it made waves, it stimulated discussion, it entered the
archive. It was a moment in the unfolding of the biocultural niche of
modernity. It focused minds.
Paul Kalanithi's memoir, When Breath Becomes Air,
is a brilliant account of his encounter with the great world of
possibility, of self-fashioning, the dialectical dance of encounter,
immersion, and growth, a world that was nowhere and everywhere,
theoretically accessible to all, but actually only to those few whose
experience, often through mediators (Kalanthis' mother, RB's uncle, )
simetimes through an accidental encounter . . . this world of
"letters", of science, of imagination.
I can clarify this by disucssing a hypthetical: if you wanted to
destroy a great nation, a scientific and educational world leader,
really destroy it to the core, what would you do?➚➹
continued ➚
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When I had finished constructing this map--
Intersubjectivity, Shared Intentionality, and the Extended Mind: the UAW (Unity Caucus): Bildungsproletarians
and Plebeian Upstarts--I tried it out as a synthetic a priori, using it
as a lens through which to read the Kraus interview:
Reading the Kraus interview through the lens of figure 1
Right off the bat, Kraus emphasizes Wyndham Mortimer's literary
ability. And throughout, the Kraus interview is a commentary on
the relationship between Mortimer as bildungsproletarian and the group
of plebeian upstarts. The book I wrote in the mid 1970s (Emergence of a UAW Local)
is in part an account of the relationship between Edmund Kord
(Socialist, student at Wayne State) and the plebeian upstarts in the
plant.
The letter from Wyndham Mortimer to Chas of March 22, 1838 (above),
well-illustrates Henry Kraus's point regarding Mortimer's writing
ability. It is also one of the most revealing documents regarding
the faction fight then at its most intense. Auto workers
who were immigrants and the children of immigrants from the fringes of
the Russian empire--Finland, Latvia, Serbia--and also Hungary and
Romania, were very much a part of the cultural revolution linked to the
Russian revolution. The IWO was a part of that cultural
revolution. The IWO's support in the faction fight in the UAW was
a vital element contributing to the success of the Unity caucus.
You should read Mortimer's letter carefully
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Modernist Sensibilities on Detroit's East Side, circa 1930s
Joe Adams (Dodge Main Local 3, socialist) interview conducted around 1975-76
My
background on unionism. Mostly it was like on my dad with the
newspaper socialism. He believed in socialism. He used to
sit there and talk. I had seven brothers, and hell, the old man
used to sit down. He was a pretty intelligent guy, like the
Reuther boys we used to listen to the old man.”
Religion was a
bunch of bullshit. As a statesman Reuther got to be where he went
to some church and just went there once in a while just to make it look
good, but shit when he died he [they] let nobody near him—any of
them—godddamn rabbis or preists or ministers, he felt the same way
about all of them there like [Roy] and him, up your bunhole, just burn
it and get the hell over with it. That’s the way I feel about it.
There are a
nucleus of people in any organization that make all organizations
function. I don’t care what you say. You can have a million
members and there can be fifty of them that makes the UAW function,
which is what happened there for the last thirty five years. The
Reuthers, the Woodcocks, myself. You know when a guy like me
brings in 250,000 members into this goddamn union he has to have a
semblance of some intelligence. he just can’t go out and say ‘I’m
an organizer’. In Patterson NJ there was 32,000 people in Wright
Aeronautical, and I got 23,000 votes out of them people for the UAW.
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PF. In 43 44 did you support the No Strike Pledge?
Adams. Everybody did. [UAW conventions]
Adams. In '44 I
was put in the Army. We had a no strike pledge, and the company
could do any goddamned -- and a lot of times they was runnin roughshod,
they was overstepping their bounds. 'Cause I was a steward at
that time, and at that time remember the day steward was boss over 3
shifts. That was the setup we had here, like a plant committeeman
over an area. And the agreements we had verbally--and a verbal
agreement, to me, is worth more than this goddamned stuff you put in a
paper.* And the company would say no, we didn't say this, we
didnt say that, in front of the FBI guy. They would deny every
godamned thing and they would just change the goddamned work
schedule. Work 'em out of seniority. They tried everything
goddamned thing when they had a no strike pledge in.
PF. Were there any strikes at Dodge?
Adams. Yes. I was kicked in the Army [unclear probably during] strike.
PF. Did you lead one of those strikes?
Adams. Yeah. I was steward . .
PF. You didn't follow the no-strike pledge?
Adams. Well, I'll
tell ya. Let me say this. If they fire a couple of your
workers, and you're a chief steward--in them days, if you don't back
them guys you're a goddamned shit___ [heel?]
PF. . . .
Adams.
Frankesnteen was a vice president at that time and he had us at Cass
Tech, and Frankensteen couldn't get us back to work. I had three
kids at that time and when you had three kids you didn't have to go
into the service. They put me in. Work or fight . . .
that's all. . . . .
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"7,500 Strike, Shut Three Chrysler Plants," Detroit News, May 20, 1943 |
comment 1
The
brutishness in language and behavior that are the chief characteristics
of Trump's (and the GOP's) mass-oriented performances must be
understood as manifestations of something of great ontological and
evolutionary significance. The sado-sexual eigenvector of
these performativities (widely recognized but not understood) goes back
to the Know-Nothing roots of the GOP (Gniepp), later 19th century
anti-immigrant and anti-Catholic political rhetoric, the lynching for
rape discourse, the southern strategy, and the infamous Willie Horton
episode in George H.W. Bush’s 1988 campaign.
Brutish
means crudely vulgar and aggressively (but not self-consciously)
stupid. But, while the vulgarity of the 45th President of the
United States has been conceptualized in the public sphere
(conceptualized but also euphemised), his truly stunning stupidity has
not been conceptualized, although sometimes snickered at by media
pesonalities.
Among the books I have read on 45 it is only Michael Wolff's Trump Trilogy* that addresses the
cognitive-discursive catastrophe that is so evident yet completely
unconceptualized in the public sphere. The above row of two
excerpts and one comment provides a context for Wolff's books. In
addition, one should read Rucker and Leonnig's
account of
Trump’s meeting in the Tank with the Joint Chiefs in A Very Stable Genius.
*Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House (2018); Siege: Trump Under Fire (2019); Landslide: the Final Days of the Trump White House (2021)
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Bronfenbrenner's Bioecological Model
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comment 2
This cognitive-discursive catastrophe may be the
biggest story of all. The Old Testament begins with "In the
beginning was the Word." At its most extreme what is happening
now and associated with the name "Trump" may be the end of "the
Word"--the end of language itself--or at least, the end of the
languages associated with print literacy--the end, that is, of the
cogntive-discursive performativities associated with modernity.
In fact, for vast swaths of the population this has already occured,
and is performed daily by the two-party discursive system, as well as in online chatrooms.
We can understand this cognitive-discursive catastrophe by adapting
Bronfenbrenner's bioecological systems theoretical approach to cognitive
development. For the purposes of this analysis I focus on a ffew critical neo-proximal zones.
re. model: family-church-neighborhood on the one hand, and the isolation from the cognitive-discursive imaginary of civilization. (see Ceci on three prongs of motivation, context, and
Vivian Gornick
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x
x
x
the Sado-sexual Eigenvector of GOP Performativity
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Witch Craze: Terror and Fantasy in Baroque Germany
Lyndal Roper on Q-Anon: Lyndal Roper, Witch Craze: Terror and Fantasy in Baroque Germany (Yale, 2004):
The hatred and terror that drove people to such
violence were shaped by social tensions and religious beliefs, but the
passions themselves derived from deeply rooted fantasies, extravagent
in their evocation of demonic lovers and Satanic revels. These
fantasies shared, for the most part, a standard structure and a similar set of primary themes.* p. 7
*Abortion,
Trump rallies, telephone threats, guns, death, torture, school board
assaults. Inflicting pain on the other is an expression of the
sado-sexual eigenvector of right-wing politics, and thus sadism is the
core value of the values voters. So-called "conspiracy theories"
become intelligible as instances of the political mobilization of the
paranoid-schizoid position (Simon Clarke, Social Theory, Psychoanalysis and Racism).
Cognitive-developmentally speaking, conspiracy "theories" can also be
viewed as cartoon-like. Vivid and simple-minded to the extreme,
they appeal to the toddleresque mentalité of the milieu of American
fascism (DATA)
*Ted Cruz worries Disney will show "Mickey and Pluto going at it" and Twitter has questions (salon)
"Why are conservatives so worried about sex and genitalia all the time?" Twitter users wonder
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x
d
d
from
Ann Goldberg, “Women and Men: 1760-1960,” in Helmut Walser Smith, The
Oxford Handbook of Modern German History (Oxford, 2011)
Victor Nell, "Cruelty’s rewards: The gratifications of perpetrators and
spectators," Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, 211–257
Jacquelyn Hall, Revolt Against Chivalry: Jesse Daniel Ames and the Women's Campaign Against Lynching (Columbia, 1993)
Lillian Smith, Killers of the Dream (1949. Norton ed. 1994)
Maureen Dowd, "Starr Chamber: The Sequel. President Trump reaches
deep into the perv barrel for his defense team," NYT, Jan 18, 2020.
--------------------
from Levi R. Bryant, Difference and Givenness: Deleuze's Transcendental
Empiricism and the Ontology of Immanence (Northwestern University
Press, 2008)
A style or essence is what we might refer to as an identity of
difference, or an identity produced through difference. It is not
a type or a kind, but rather a rule of production, a genetic
factor. It is an identity that maintains itself through
topological variations. It is for this reason that we speak of
morphological essences or diagrams of becoming. 68
Although Deleuze himelf never makes reference to the notion of
topological essences, the theme can be seen to run throughout his work.
. . . Insofar as a topological identity is produced between the
variations a structure can undergo, Deleuze is also able to maintain
the being of concrete universals which are no longer opposed to
particulars. 70-71
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1) He’s not hurting the people he needs to be hurting.
"I voted for
him, and he’s the one who’s doing this,” an employee of the Federal
prison in the Florida Panhandle said. “I thought he was going to do
good things. He’s not hurting the people he needs to be hurting."*
* from It’s Just Too Much’: "A Florida Town Grapples With a Shutdown After a Hurricane, New York Times, 1-7-19.
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2) "The legitimation of violence against a demonized internal enemy brings us close to the heart of fascism."*
* Robert O. Paxton, Anatomy of Fascism
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3) Joseph Conrad on the GOP
"Their talk, however, was the talk of sordid buccaneers. It was
reckless without hardihood, greedy without audacity, and cruel without
courage. There was not an atom of foresight or of serious
intention in the whole batch of them . . . "
* Joseph Conrad on the GOP, from Heart of Darkness, p. 40
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Comment on 1 through 4
Media personalities operating with the two-party discursive field
report the sexual obsessiveness of GOP rhetorical performativity in
each particular instance, but sees no connection between separate
instances. Yet this sexual obsessiveness is the prevailing theme
of such rhetorical performativity, while sadism is the emotional
content. The grilling of Judge Jackson by Cruz, Graham et. al. on
the theme of child pornography was an outstanding example of
this. Over and over again, it recurs, eternally (Nietzsche).
The two-party discursive field excludes the very processes described by
Foster (t the right). For example, "Trumpism" is a word used
often in the two-party discursive field. By tacking "ism" to the
noun "Trump" a speaker implies that a concept has been born.
Fascism is a concept; Trumpism is a psuedo-concept. Its uses
reveals in an instant* the cogntive minimalism of the two-party
discursive field.
The expression "culture war" is pervasive in media discourse. It
is similar to the term "extremism:" both reveal the inner drive of
liberal media discourse: euphemization. One side of the culture war involves
deployment of the sado-sexual eigenvector of GOP performativity.**
*Arnold
Schoenberg on Anton Weber: " . . . to express a novel in a single gesture . .
.
**Inflicting pain on the other is an expression of the sado-sexual
eigenvector of right-wing politics, and thus sadism is the core value
of the values voters. So-called "conspiracy theories" become
intelligible as instances of the political mobilization of the
paranoid-schizoid position (Simon Clarke, Social Theory, Psychoanalysis
and Racism). Cognitive-developmentally speaking, conspiracy
"theories" can also be viewed as cartoon-like. Vivid and
simple-minded to the extreme, they appeal to the toddleresque mentalité
of the milieu of American fascism (DATA)
Abortion, Trump rallies, telephone threats, guns, death, torture, school board assault, etc.
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4) The Sado-sexual Eigenvector of GOP Performativity
from Imanuel Kant, Critique of Pure Reason (1781/1787)
Thoughts without intuitions are empty; intuitions without concepts are blind.
from Eckart Förster, The Twenty-Five Years of Philosophy: a Systematic Reconstruction (Harvard, 2012)
. . . concepts have their
basis in functions, by which Kant understands “the unity of the act of
bringing various representations under one common representaton.”
(A68). A concept is a rule for combining certain representations
(and thus also a principle for excluding certain others). Thus
the represesntations’white’, ‘grainy’, ‘saline’ are combined and
ordered in the concept ‘salt, while the representations ‘colorless’,
‘liquid’, ‘tasteless’ (say) are not. In this way a concept is a
rule allowing me to unite certain representations and to bring them
under a higher representation, i.e. the concept. (pp. 22-3)
Cognition does not consist merely in the collecting of phenomena;
rather we strive to forge conceptual links between them and to grasp
the laws of nature that are valid for specific classes of objects as
cases of yet more general laws, whereby we are guided by the ideal of a
unified explanation of nature. (p. 38)
“To make concepts out of representations one must be able to compare,
to reflect, and to abstract, for these three logical operations of the
understanding are the essential and universal conditions for the generation
of every concept whatsoever. I see, e.g., a spruce, a willow, and
a linden. By first comparing these objects with one another I
note that they are different from one another in regard to the trunk,
the branches, the leaves, etc.; but next I reflect on that which they
have in common among themselves, trunk, branches, and leaves
themselves, and I abstract from the quantity, the figure, etc., of
these; thus I acquire a concept of a tree.” (pp. 250
The
GOP as the
Stupid Party? GOP Sexual Obsessions on display re. child porn (Senate Confirmation Hearings on Judge Jackson)
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Comment:
the explosion of fascist performativities within the orbit of the GOP
the explosion of fascist performativities within the orbit of the GOP: Robert O. Paxton, Anatomy of Fascism:
"The legitimation of violence against a demonized internal enemy brings
us close to the heart of fascism.". The brutishness in
language and behavior that are the chief characteristics of Trump's
mass-oriented performances must be understood as manifestations of
something of great ontological and evolutionary significance. The sado-sexual
eigenvector of “Trump” performativities goes back to the Know-Nothing
roots of the GOP (Gniepp), later 19th century anti-immigrant and
anti-Catholic political rhetoric, the lynching for rape discourse, the
southern strategy, and the infamous Willie Horton episode in George
H.W. Bush’s 1988 campaign. Trump's performance coming down the
stairs
"They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime.
They’re
rapists.")
and the plaint of one of his supporters:
"He’s not hurting the people he needs to be hurting"
should be placed in this broader context. Nietzsche's concept of
ressentiment (the inner logic of GOP sado-sexual rhetorical
performativity). The paranoid-schizoid position (Klein).
Fascism and racism. Fascism and patrimonialism.
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on Cruelty and Violence
two commentaries on Victor Nell, "Cruelty’s rewards: The gratifications of perpetrators and spectators," Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, 211–257
1.
from Mika Haritos-Fatouros, “Cruelty: A dispositional or a situational
behavior in man?” Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, p.230
The basic question remains, however:
How far are aggression, violence, and cruelty in humans today the
result of predisposition factors, or biological or archetypal
processes, and how far are they the result of cognitive/emotional
processes evoked by situational factors?
2. from Albert Bandura, “A murky portrait of human cruelty,” Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, p. 225
At the macrosocial level, Nell
greatly exaggerates the prevalence of human cruelty. There exist wide
intercultural differences representing both warring and pacific
societies with large intracultural variations and even rapid
transformation of warring societies into peaceful ones.
from Daniel Dor, Chris Knight, and Jerome Lewis, The Social Origins of Language (Oxford, 2014), p.4
. . . in the case of many nonhuman primates, dominance asserted through
violence or threat is the internal principle of social organization . .
. [Among humans] . . . primate-style dominance is periodically
overthrown and then restored, only to be overthrown and restored again
and again.
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s
s
s
a cult of masculine
hardness and violence
from Ann Goldberg, “Women and Men: 1760-1960,” in Helmut Walser Smith,
The Oxford Handbook of Modern German History (Oxford, 2011)
The alleged undermining of the patriarchal family—the ruse of the
‘double earners’ (married women performing paid labor outside the
home), and sexually liberated New Women—became a powerful symbol of the
breakdown of the social fabric in the chaotic years of the Weimar
Republic, subject to intense poltical debate, social policy
interventions, and efforts to resurrect the traditional gender order.
The Nazis played directly on these gender anxieties as they built their
movement in the Weimar years. Together with Jews and leftists,
feminists and New Women became symbols in Nazi propaganda of the
decadence and weakness of liberal democracy and modern urban life.
Railing against the ‘soulless’ and ‘egotistical’ modern woman, National
Socialists called for their return to the home and for the restoration
of the patriarchal family—for, as the slogan went, ‘emancipation from
emancipation’.
At the same time, the Nazis built upon the militarized masculinity and
culture of comradship that had evolved in WWI, glorifying the ideal of
a brotherhood of self-sacrificing soldier-comrades, and turning it into
an extreme cult of violence, hardness, and duty to the racial Volk. A
study of the writings of the Freicorps—right-wing paramilitary groups
of ex-soldiers and officers formed in the aftermath of WWI—explores the
unconscious fears and desires of this fascist masculinity. It shows
the deep mysogyny of men who posssessed weak, fragmented egos, whose
terrors of psychic dissolution were associated with femininization and
female sexuality, and who, as a result, embraced a cult of masculine
hardness and violence as an emotional defense mechanism.
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the Southern Strategy:
the Lacan-Atwater Signifying Chain
from
Wikipedia:
(Lee
Atwater's Infamous 1981 Interview on the Southern Strategy)
As a member of the
Reagan administration in 1981, Atwater gave an
anonymous interview to political scientist Alexander P. Lamis. Part of
the interview was printed in Lamis's book The Two-Party South, then
reprinted in Southern Politics in the 1990s with Atwater's name
revealed. . . . Atwater talked about the Republican Southern Strategy
and Ronald Reagan's version of it:
Atwater:
As to the whole Southern strategy that Harry S. Dent, Sr. and others
put together in 1968, opposition to the Voting Rights Act would have
been a central part of keeping the South. Now you don't have to do
that. All you have to do to keep the South is for Reagan to run in
place on the issues he's campaigned on since 1964 and that's fiscal
conservatism, balancing the budget, cut taxes, you know, the whole
cluster.
Questioner:
But the fact is, isn't it, that Reagan does get to the Wallace voter
and to the racist side of the Wallace voter by doing away with legal
services, by cutting down on food stamps?
Atwater:
You start out in 1954 by saying, "Nigger, nigger, nigger." By 1968 you
can't say "nigger"—that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like
forced busing, states' rights and all that stuff. You're getting so
abstract now [that] you're talking about cutting taxes, and all these
things you're talking about are totally economic things and a by-product
of them is [that] blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously
maybe that is part of it. I'm not saying that. But I'm saying that if
it is getting that abstract, and that coded, that we are doing away
with the racial problem one way or the other. You follow me—because
obviously sitting around saying, "We want to cut this," is much more
abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract
than "Nigger, nigger."
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the Meaning of Trump:
primate-style dominance is periodically
overthrown
and then restored
from Daniel Dor, Chris Knight, and Jerome Lewis, The Social Origins of Language (Oxford, 2014), p.4
. . . in the case of many nonhuman primates, dominance asserted through
violence or threat is the internal principle of social organization . .
. [Among humans] . . . primate-style dominance is periodically
overthrown and then restored, only to be overthrown and restored again
and again.
from Eva Jablonka, Simona Ginsburg, and Daniel Dor, "The co-evolution
of language and emotions," Philosophical Transactions: Biological
Sciences, Vol. 367, No. 1599 (5 August 2012), pp. 2152-2159
one of the contributing factors making human cooperation and aggression
unique is the language-based control of emotions. However, the
ability to control emotions can lead not only to inhibitory effects but
also to excitatory ones: language can be mobilized for generating
aggression. Furthermore, because words and phrases construct and
stabilize human mental emotional categories, language makes it much
easier to manipulate emotions for both aggressive and cooperative
ends. In humans, cooperation and aggression are therefore, at
least partially, symbol-bound and symbol-controlled, and, in this
respect, are qualitatively different from cooperation and aggression in
other animals.
from T. D. Price and G. M. Feinman, Chapter 1, “Social Inequality and the Evolution of Human Social Organization”, in Pathways to Power: New Perspectives on the Emergence of Social Inequality (Springer, 2010)
In
a very real sense, human society over the last 100,000 years or more
may have been characterized by a fundamental tension between relations
based on dominance, hierarchy, and kin altruism (part of our primate
heritage) and new capacities for social cognition, cultural learning,
alliance building, and cooperation, whether the latter behaviors were
learned or part of recently acquired innate tendencies (Boehm 2000,
Stone 2008: 79, Tomasello et al. 2005).
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Trump in Context
from from Merlin Donald, A Mind So Rare: the Evolution of Human Consciousness (W.W. Norton, 2001), pp. 301-2 (emphasis added)
The human mind has been
drastically changed by culture. In modern culture, enculturation
has become an even more formative influence on mental development than
it was in the past. This may be a direct reflection of brain
plasticity, rather than genetic change, but that does not in any way
diminish the importance of the change from a purely cognitive
standpoint. The human mind is so plastic in the way it carries
out its cognitive business, individually and in groups, that the core
configuration of skills that defines a mind actually varies
significantly as a function of different kinds of culture. This
is especially true of the most conscious domains of mind, such as those
involved in formal thinking and representation.
Let me be very clear about what I mean here. I am not speaking of
trivial cultural changes, such as variations in custom or language
use. These are by far the most common and have no proven
cognitive impact. The most important of these is literacy.
Literacy skills change the functional organization of the brain and
deeply influence how individuals and communities of literate
individuals perform cognitive work. Mass literacy has triggered
two kinds of major cogitive reorganizations, one in individuals and the
other in groups.
To become fully literate, the individual must acquire a host of neural
demons that are completely absent from anyone who lacks literacy
training. This involves massive restructuring. There is no
equivalent in the preliterate mind to the circuits that hold the
complex neural components of a reading vocabulary or the elaborate
procedural habits of formal thinking. These are unnatural.
They have to be hammered in by decades of intensive schooling, which
changes the functional uses of certain brain circuits and rewire the
functional architecture of thought. This process can be very
extensive. Consider the impact of twenty or more years of schooling on
the brain of someone who has acquired full symbolic literacy in several
different
technical, mathematical, scientific, and musical fields. These
skills encumber neural resources on a vast scale and change how the
person's mind carries out its work.
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Socialization in Reverse?
from Juan Carlos Gomez, Apes, Monkees, Children and the Growth of Mind (Harvard University Press, 2004)
But is there any evidence that nonhuman
primates may experience something akin to a cultural shaping of their
minds in the way Vygotsky implied for human children? . . .
. More recently, Tomasello (1999) has emphasized the
"socialization of attention" and cognition in general as the
explanation for higher achievements (by human standards) of
human-reared apes. Although the two approaches emphasize very
different factors, in fact from a Vygotskian perspective they are
complimentary. Vygotsky's view was that adult mediation was
optimally achieved through the use of signs and symbols, especially
speech and language. In his view, higher cognitive processes--the
processes that differentiate humans from other apes--could only be
created through this sociocultural mediation. The possibility
that, at a reduced scale, the mind of an ape can be upgraded by giving
him, on the one hand, a regime of socally controlled attention and
interactive experiences with humans, and on the other, a new, more
explicit form of representing the world, would confer dramatic support
to the Vygotskian notion that higher cognition can be created through
cultural processes of development that change the nature of cognitive
ontogeny. (pp. 262-3)
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three Trump-related cognitive-discursive assessments
from Maryanne Wolf, Reader Come Home: The Reading Brain in a Digital World (Harper Collins, 2018, p. 179):
"The seriousness of the
current reality means that at the present rate, the majority of
eighth-grade children could be classified as functionally illiterate in
a few years' time."
from "The President Who Doesn't Read," The Atlantic, January 5, 2018 (review of Michael Wolff’s Fire and Fury):
Ironically, it was the
publication of a book this week that crystallized the reality of just
how little Donald Trump reads. While . . . Trump’s indifference to the
printed word has been apparent for some time, the depth and
implications of Trump’s strong preference for oral communication over
the written word demand closer examination. "He didn’t process
information in any conventional sense," Wolff writes. "He didn’t read.
He didn’t really even skim. Some believed that for all practical
purposes he was no more than semi-literate."
from "Anonymous, A Warning" (Washington Post, November 7, 2019):
I am not qualified to diagnose the president’s mental acuity,” the
author writes. “All I can tell you is that normal people who spend any
time with Donald Trump are uncomfortable by what they witness. He
stumbles, slurs, gets confused, is easily irritated, and has trouble
synthesizing information, not occasionally but with regularity. Those
who would claim otherwise are lying to themselves or to the country.
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Thermidor: the end of the New Deal, 1936-1939
This
panel addresses the problem posed by FDR's apparent ineptitude of his
court-packing efforts of early 1937. The chart below is from
macrotrends . . .
*Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War; Jeff Shesol, Supreme Power: Franklin Roosevelt vs. the Supreme Court; and Susan Dunn, Roosevelt's Purge: How FDR Fought to Change the Democratic Party.
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from Industrial Production--100 Year Historical Chart

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s
s
Putin-Russia-Trump:
Globalization is the Elephant in the Room
(two rows below)
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Comment
At
the right are excerpts from a WAPO op ed by two leading Russia scholars
(Green and Robertson) on the domestic political origins of Putin's
invasion of Ukraine; and excerpts from another leading Russia scholar's
(Hale) theoretical writings on the nature of power and politics inside
Russia. Below are excerpts from Arno Meyer's work published half
a century ago which is more relevant today than it was at the time it
was published.
Meyer's awful truth is that some wars originate as domestic political
conflicts that are externalized, played out in the theater of
war. Vietnam was one such war "whose mainsprings [were]
essentially political and internal"; the second Gulf war another.
And, according to Greene and Robertson, so is Putin's war against
Ukraine.
"Too long the earth hs been a madhouse" (Nietzsche)
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wars of primarily partisan and internal dynamic
Arno J. Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution in Europe, 1870—1956 (Harper Torchbooks, 1971. Emphasis added.)
Clauswitz does not
see war as a continuation of diplomacy--that is, of interstate
relations--by other--that is, violent means. Significantly, he
invariably opts for the comprehensive concept of politics, which
subsumes diplomacy, thus leaving open the possibility that recourse to
war can be not only influenced but, in some instances, even determined
by internal political considerations. p. 136
Here, then, is the paradox. Whereas wars whose motivation and
intent are primarily diplomatic and external retain their political
purposes, as conceived by Clauswitz, those whose mainsprings are
essentially political and internal fail to acquire a well-defined
project." p. 138
As for wars of primarily partisan and internal dynamic, they are
decided by political actors and classes whose political tenure and
social position tend to be insecure and whose latttiude for foreign
policy decision tends to be circumscribed. Precisely because
their internal influence and control are tenuous, these actors and
classes are inclined to have recourse to external war which, if
successful, promises to shore up ther faltering positions. . . .
at the outset even the minimal external objectives of wars
that are sparked internally have a tendency to be singularly
ill-defined. p. 138
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"wars . . . whose mainsprings are
essentially political and internal fail to acquire a well-defined
project"
from
"Putin’s rule depends on creating foreign enemies — and domestic
‘traitors’. He initiates conflict abroad to bolster support at
home. But has he overreached this time?" By Samuel A. Greene and
Graeme B. Robertson* (Washington Post, February 24, 2022)
To
solve this puzzle, it’s helpful to take the Ukraine crisis out of the
realm of foreign policy and put it into the world in which Putin spends
most of his time: that of Russian domestic politics. Viewed in that
light, the war represents a continuation of Putin’s efforts to govern
by presenting Russia as threatened by external forces bent on its
destruction, and himself as the only leader who can successfully oppose
them.
While we’re used
to thinking of Putin as an autocrat, and he does wield an extraordinary
amount of power, the moniker can mislead in some ways. He still has to
deal with business executives, politicians, bureaucrats and security
officials — many of whom wantonly steal from the state — as well as a
public whose mistrust has fatally undermined his attempts to get the
coronavirus pandemic under control. Worse, neither the elite nor the
general public has any real faith in Putin’s ability to reverse nearly
eight years of economic decline.
To maintain and
consolidate his power in the face of such challenges, Putin has spent
much of the last decade restructuring Russian politics around the idea
that the nation faces existential threats from outside its borders,
aided by traitors within. That framing tars all domestic opposition as
tools of foreign powers and justifies the evisceration of independent
media, civil society and political parties besides his own; it calls on
ordinary Russians to make seemingly endless sacrifices for the greater
good.
When we see his
pursuit of domestic control and his foreign policy as part of the same
strategy, each catalyzing the other, what Putin has done in recent days
begins to make more sense. From the standpoint of domestic politics,
exactly what Putin achieves at the negotiating table or on the
battlefield is less important than maintaining a geopolitical
confrontation sufficient in scale to justify his domestic repression
and, ideally, with no end in sight.
That still leaves
many unanswered questions. While the logic of domestic politics
justifies creating international crises, does it really support all-out
war against one of Russia’s largest neighbors, which is being armed and
supported by the West? In making this choice, Putin is taking a gamble
on his ability to shape and even direct Russian public and elite
opinion. It’s a risky one. The story the Kremlin is telling about
rooting out Nazis who supposedly run Ukraine is, after all, utterly
absurd.
Discontent is
likely to be fueled, too, by Western sanctions that will have both
targeted and widespread effects. We simply do not know what price
Russian elites are willing to pay for a war that few of them may
actively support. While moving against the president from the inside is
extremely dangerous, impatience with the costs to the elite of Putin’s
rule, and the sense that something should be done about it, may grow
rapidly behind the scenes.
*Samuel
A. Greene is a professor of Russian politics and director of the Russia
Institute at King's College, London. He is co-author of "Putin v. the
People: The Perilous Politics of a Divided Russia." Graeme B. Robertson is professor of political science at the
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and director of its Center
for Slavic, Eurasian and East European studies. He is co-author of
"Putin v. the People: The Perilous Politics of a Divided Russia."
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from
Henry E. Hale*, "The Continuing Evolution of Russia's Political System", in Richard Sakwa, Henry E. Hale and Stephen White, Developments in Russian Politics 9 (Duke, 2019).
One
implication of the centrality of personal connections in Russia is that
the key 'players' in the country's political arena are often not
'parties' or even formal institutions like the Duma, but extended
networks of actual personal acquaintance led by powerful
'patrons'. At the very least, this is how many political insiders
in Russia see it.
The most important power networks in Russia today fall into at least three main categories.
1. One set
of networks grew out of the economy, buiding vast business empires by
gaming the post-Soviet privatization process and then translating this
wealth into political clout. These networks, led by figures
widely known as 'oligarchs', would get 'their' people in positions all
across Russian political society and often controlled imoportant mass
media. In the 1990s, oligarchs like Boris Berezovsky, Mikhail
Khodorkovsky and Vladimir Gusinsky were household names and thought to
be among only a handful of men who essentially ran the country during
President Boris Yeltsin's final term in office.
2. Another
category might be called 'regional political machines', networks based
in peripheral regions in which a strongman could use his (or, rarely,
her) leverage as governor to gain control over local economic assets,
media and legislatures. These assets could then be mobilized to
deliver large shares of the province's votes to themselves or whoever
they chose, leverage they could convert into influence in federal
politics. Major political machines in regions like Tartarstan and
Primorsky Krai were thus highly sought-after allies by national
politicians, though the biggest and most famous of ll political
machines ws the one led until 2010 by mayor Yuri Luzhkof in Rissua's
capital metropolis, Moscow.
3. A third
type of network consists of those with home bases in the state
itself. Perhaps the most prominent example today is that of
Vladimir Putin, who turned a series of personal and professional
acquaintances (many acquired during his days in the KGB or as a St
Petersburg city official) into an extensive network that now occupies
key posts in the state (most obviously, Putin himself serving as
president), the economy (e.g. Igor Sechin controlling the oil company
Rosneft), mass media (e.g. Yuri Kovalchuk founding the national media
group), and multiple political parties with diverse ideologies (e.g.
Putin's St Petersburg associates Dmitry Medvedev atop the United Russia
party) and Sergei Mironov leading the Just Russia party). This
network started to come together as a coherent power network of national
importance in the late 1990s, as Putin was finally reaching the pinnacle
of Russian power, and it now represnts the country's dominant network.
*Henry
E. Hale is Professor of Political Science and International Affairs and
Co-Director of the Program on New Approaches to Research and Security
in Eurasia (PONARS Eurasia) at George Washington University. His most recent book is Patronal Politics: Eurasian Regime Dynamics in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge University Press, 2015).
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Trump is Putin and Putin is Trump: an alliance of patrimonial regimes against the rational-bureuacratic order of post-war capitalism
At the right are brief notes constituting an outline of Samuel A. Greene and Graeme B. Robertson, Putin vs. the People: the Perilous Politics of a Divided Russia (Yale, 2019)
This book describes the cognitive-discursive performativity of V.
Putin. Makes comments about other, similar, political
relationships between a"populist" leader (Orban, Erdogan) and his herd
(followers, audience, supporters, base, constituency). It is consistent with the
concept of patrimonialism and Zaretsky's analysis of the psychological
relationship between Trump and his supporters. Roper, Witch Craze:
Putin vs. the People passes the Zaretsky test:
"Most
of the effort that has gone into analysing Trump [Cartesianism] often
[describe him] as suffering from ‘narcissistic personality disorder’.
Not only are such diagnoses, made from a distance, implausible; they
also fail to address a more important question: the nature of Trump’s appeal."
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Samuel A. Greene and Graeme B. Robertson, Putin vs. the People: the Perilous Politics of a Divided Russia (Yale, 2019)
p. 8 wedge issues
p. 9 Crimea, Ukraine
p. 14 global survey of Putinesque leaders
p. 16 Russia's emerging urban elite (globalization)
p. 32 the previously unmentionable--religion and sexuality
p. 33 law "On defending the feelings of religious believers"
p. 35 family values; morality police; pedophilia and homosexuality
p. 61 dark-skinned guest workers
p. 63 raids on immigrants (markets, dormitories, etc.: see White Hot Hate)
p. 65 popular response to Crimea
p. 97 the politics of emotion
p. 177 gangs and mobs re Trump (similar to Jan 6 mob)
p. 206 on Russian media (see Hale, Patronal Politics.) American media two-party
discursive field--more similar to Russian media than you think)
p. 211 "Economic dislocations resulting from the global financial
crisis of 2008-09 and the inability of establishment political parties
to formulate a coherent response have reshaped politics in many
countries, detaching the debate from clearly articulated interests and
policies. In the absence of a coherent policy response, fringe
politicians appeal to values, to exclusionary notions of community, and
to patriotism. The ability of such appeals to sway millions of
voters in the United States, the UK, France, Italy, Germany and
elsewhere is clear."
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from from Merlin Donald, A Mind So Rare: the Evolution of Human Consciousness (W.W. Norton, 2001), pp. 301-2
Literacy skills change the functional organization of the brain and
deeply influence how individuals and communities of literate
individuals perform cognitive work. Mass literacy has triggered
two kinds of major cogitive reorganizations, one in individuals and the
other in groups.
There is no
equivalent in the preliterate mind to the circuits that hold the
complex neural components of a reading vocabulary or the elaborate
procedural habits of formal thinking. . . . Consider the impact of twenty or more years of schooling on
the brain of someone who has acquired full symbolic literacy in several
different
technical, mathematical, scientific, and musical fields. These
skills encumber neural resources on a vast scale and change how the
person's mind carries out its work.
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x
xx
Cognitive Decline
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A
great advantage of the new technology making this site possible is that
one can do better than merely bearing certain things in mind. One
can copy and paste, so that instead of bearing the above excerpt in
mind one can repeat it. Space becomes cheap, and links can leap
about in the archive of mind. Even if you don't reread the
excerpt from A Mind So Rare, its physical appearance above can serve to recall it's contents and importance.
The excerpts and graphs at the right should be seen in the context of the above excerpt.
One thing
The PISA Results: Evolutionary, Historical, Developmental, and Psychological Perspectives assembles excerpts from the scholarly literature that help contextualize the data represented at the right.
Note, however, that in that page the data only goes up to 2015.
You should look at the link above now, if only to see more clearly the
overall pattern. For an American New Deal Nationalist such as
myself, it's a grim picture.
In
the graphs at the right that go up to 2018, things appear to have
improved, even though we are still at the bottom among what used to be
called the advanced industrial nations.
But wait! There's fraud and chicanery almost certainly involved in the reporting of the American data (see "inexplicable anomalies"). Just what data were omitted? Here's a project for an enterprising student to undertake.
Meanwhile, it is prudent to assume that honest reporting would have
produced a graph where the downward trajectory of the U.S. results
would have been more pronounced.
All of the materials in The PISA Results: Evolutionary, Historical, Developmental, and Psychological Perspective were assembled before The Social Origins of Language was published.
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four assessments
Nicholas Kristof, "McDonald’s Workers in Denmark Pity Us," New York Times, May 8, 2020
Think
of it this way. Workers at McDonald’s outlets all over the world tend
to be at the lower end of the labor force, say the 20th percentile. But
Danish workers at the 20th percentile are high school graduates who are
literate and numerate.
In contrast, after half a century of underinvestment in the United
States, many 20th-percentile American workers haven’t graduated from
high school, can’t read well, aren’t very numerate, struggle with drugs
or alcohol, or have impairments that reduce productivity.
from Philip Roth unbound: interview transcript (Daily Beast, October 30, 2009)
Tina
Brown: You said in an interview that you don’t think novels are going
to be read 25 years from now. Were you being provocative or do you
believe that to be true?
Philip
Roth: I was being optimistic about 25 years really. No, I think it’s
going to be cultic. I think always people will be reading them, but
it’ll be a small group of people—maybe more people than now read Latin
poetry, but somewhere in that range. . . . To read a novel
requires a certain kind of concentration, focus, devotion to the
reading. . . I think that that kind of concentration, and focus,
and attentiveness, is hard to come by. It’s hard to find huge numbers
of people, or large numbers of people or significant numbers of people
who have those qualities.
from Maryanne Wolf, Reader Come Home: The Reading Brain in a Digital World (Harper Collins, 2018), p. 179
The seriousness of the current
reality means that at the present rate, the majority of eighth-grade
children could be classified as functionally illiterate in a few years' time.
from Edward Frenkel And Hung-Hsi Wu, "Republicans Should Love 'Common Core'. National standards can revive the way we teach math and science," Wall Street Journal, 5-6-13
Mathematical education in the U.S. is in deep crisis. The World
Economic Forum ranks the quality of math and science education in the
U.S. a dismal 48th. This is one of the reasons the 2010 report "Rising
Above the Gathering Storm" by the National Academies warned that
America's ability to compete effectively with other nations is fading.
. . . [The report refers to] the current lock-step march to the bottom of international
student performance in math and science.
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f
f
f
fPISA Math Scores, 2003 to 2018: 21
Developed Nations
and 4 East Asian City-States (SHMC)
PISA Math Scores, 2003 to 2018:18 Anglo-European Nations

see"inexplicable anomalies"
Problems with the U. S. Data:
Political (2006) and "Technical" (2018)
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Source. "How Other Nations Pay for Childcare. The U.S. is an Outlier" (New York Times, October 6, 2021)
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hh
semiotic regimes: the two-party
discursive field
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A. Here are the sources for the psychological-emotional conceptualization of the Two-Party System: Semiotic Regimes:
Simon Clarke, Social Theory, Psychoanalysis and Racism (Palgrave Macmillan; 2003), pp. 134-41
Alain Ehrenberg, The Weariness of the Self: Diagnosing the History of Depression in the Contemporary Age (McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009)
Eli Zarestsky, Secrets of the Soul: A Social and Cultural History of Psychoanalysis (Vintage, 2005)
Darrin M. McMahon, Enemies of the Enlightement: the French Counter-Enlightenment and the Making of Modernity (Oxford University Press, 2001)
B. and for the cognitive developmental conceptualization of the Two-Party System: Semiotic Regimes:
The Development of Children (Sixth Edition) by Cynthia Lightfoot, Michael Cole, and Sheila R. Cole (2009)
Laura E. Berk, Development Through the Lifespan, (1998)
Piaget, Genetic Epistemology
Stephen J. Ceci, On Intelligence: A Bioecological Treatise on Intellectual Development (Harvard, 1996)
Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy (Routledge, 2002)
A. R. Luria, Cognitive Development: Its Cultural and Social Foundations (Harvard, 1976)
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Deep Structure of the Two-party System: Emotional Configurations
from Alain Ehrenberg, The Weariness of the Self: Diagnosing the History of Depression in the Contemporary Age ( (McGill-Queens University Press, 2010)
We are changing, of course,
but that does not necessarily mean we are progressing. Combined
with all the forces that today exhort us to look into our own private
lives, the “civilization of change” has stimulated a massive interest
in psychic disorders. It can be heard from all quarters, and it
takes form in the many marketplaces that offer inner balance and
tranquility. Today, many of our socials tensions have been
expressed in terms of implosion and depressive collapse [liberalism] or, in a
similar way, its flip side: [fascism] explosions of violence, rage, the search
for new sensations. pp. 185-6
[liberalism] As addictive explosion reflects depressive implosion, so the
drug-taker’s search for sensation reflects the depressed person’s lack
of feeling. Depression, that crossroads of pathology, serves as a
canvas upon which to sketch out the changes in modern subjectivity, the
displacement of the hard task of being healthy. In a context in
which choice is the norm and inner insecurity the price, these
pathologies make up the dark side of contemporary private life.
Such is the equation of the sovereign individual: psychic freedom and
individual initiative = identity insecurities and the incapacity to
act. p. 232
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The two-party System: Semiotic Regimes I
Cognitive Performativities and Emotional Configurations
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LEFT*
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RIGHT
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Topology
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depressive
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paranoid-schizoid
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Political style
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progressive
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proto-Dorian
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Cognitive mode
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concrete & pre-op
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pre-op and gestural
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Regime type
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rational-bureaucratic
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patrimonial
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from F. Nietzsche, Twilight of the Idols (p. 51 Penguin)
To this extent media discourse* is never to be taken literally: as such, it never contains anything but nonsense. But as semiotics it remains of incaculable value: it reveals, to the informed man, at least, the
most precious realities of cultures and inner worlds which did not know
how to "understand" themselves. Media discourse** is merely sign-language, merely sympomology . . .
* "moral judgement" in the original
** "Morality" in the original
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the Deep Structure of the Two-Party System: political configurations
from Darrin M. McMahon, Enemies of the Enlightement: the French Counter-Enlightenment and the Making of Modernity (Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 48-52
What
were the elements of this emergent right wing vision? The
fundamental importance of religion in maintaining political order, a
preoccupation with the perils of intellectual and social license, the
valorization of the family and history, the critique of abstract
rights, the dangers of dividing sovereignty, and the need for a
strategic alliance between throne and altar . . . Even more
fundamental was a Manichean readiness to divide the word in two:
bewtween good and evil, right and wrong, Right and Left.
Yet to say
that the anti-philosophe discourse fulfilled an ideological function is
not to assert that it offered a fully developed political
platform. Rather it provided a "symbolic template" through which
to construe a perplexing and rapidly changing world, a number of
"authoritative concepts" and "suasive images" by which they could be
grasped.
By invoking
this mythic golden past . . . anti-philosophes revealed signs of a
romantic, qasi-utopian yearning for wholeness and social unity that
would characterize a strain in far Right thinking for years to
come.
Reactive,
reductive, Manichean, this thinking is less noteworthy, perhaps, for
its particulars than for its general form. It was precisely this
tendency to view society as a battleground between opposing camps that
stands as a hallmark of the bipolar, Right-Left model of politics so
fundamental to subsequent European history. . . . Dividing the
world between good and evil, between the pious and the profane,
anti-philosphes saw their struggle as a cosmic war in which the winners
would take all.
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ff
ff
Progressivism and Liberalism are opposites, not twins
The Two-Party System: Semiotic Regimes II
Elites and their Masses
see Elites: Strategic and Otherwise
MSNBC/CNN New York
Times and
Washington Post
NIHILISM (Liberalism)
BILDUNG (Progressivism)
Commercial republicanism Civic republicanism
concrete-operational
and
formal-operational and
pre-operational
concrete operational
Fox News
RESSENTIMENT
Fascism
pre-operational and gestural
rentier sectors; provincial capitals; patrimonial
and predatory businesses and racist political ecologies
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from Kathleen Hall Jamieson and Joseph N. Cappella, Echo Chamber: Rush
Limbaugh and the Conservative Media Establishment (Oxford Univeristy
Press, 2008), p.p. 188-89. (Emphasis added.)
Limbaugh's attempts at gender-based "humor" are of the
locker room variety. As the California gubernatorial recall was
heating up, Limbaugh informed his folowers that Lieutenant Governor Cruz
Bustamante--"whose name loosely translates into Spanish for 'large
breasts'--leads the Terminator by a few pionts" (August 18,
2003). A photomontage on the Limbaugh website shows a photograph
of Schwartzenegger's head and shoulders from his Pumping Iron days as a
body builder. A naked woman has been transposed onto his
shoulders. Over her breasts is a sign reading BUSTAMONTE.
When Madonna endorsed General Wesley Clark, Limbaugh reported that she
had "opened herself" to him. Why the vulgarity in this message
does not alienate the churchgoing conservatives in his audiences is a
question for which we have no ready answer.
from Friedrich Nietzsche, The Geneology of Morals, II, 14
Here the
works of vengefulness and rancor swarm; here the air stinks of secrets
and concealment; . . . and what mendaciousness is employed to
disguise that this hatred is hatred! What a display of grand
words and postures, what an art of "honest" calumny!
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d
The Southern Strategy: the Lacan-Atwater Signifying Chain
from Wikipedia: (Lee Atwater's Infamous 1981 Interview on the Southern Strategy)
As
a member of the Reagan administration in 1981, Atwater gave an
anonymous interview to political scientist Alexander P. Lamis. Part of
the interview was printed in Lamis's book The Two-Party South, then
reprinted in Southern Politics in the 1990s with Atwater's name
revealed. . . . Atwater talked about the Republican Southern Strategy
and Ronald Reagan's version of it:
Atwater: As to the whole
Southern strategy that Harry S. Dent, Sr. and others put together in
1968, opposition to the Voting Rights Act would have been a central
part of keeping the South. Now you don't have to do that. All you have
to do to keep the South is for Reagan to run in place on the issues
he's campaigned on since 1964 and that's fiscal conservatism, balancing
the budget, cut taxes, you know, the whole cluster.
Questioner: But the fact
is, isn't it, that Reagan does get to the Wallace voter and to the
racist side of the Wallace voter by doing away with legal services, by
cutting down on food stamps?
Atwater: You start out
in 1954 by saying, "Nigger, nigger, nigger." By 1968 you can't say
"nigger"—that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced
busing, states' rights and all that stuff. You're getting so abstract
now [that] you're talking about cutting taxes, and all these things
you're talking about are totally economic things and a by-product of
them is [that] blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously
maybe that is part of it. I'm not saying that. But I'm saying that if
it is getting that abstract, and that coded, that we are doing away
with the racial problem one way or the other. You follow me—because
obviously sitting around saying, "We want to cut this," is much more
abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract
than "Nigger, nigger."
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UNDER CONSTRUCTION/A WORKING SPACE
cognitive-discursive performativity
cognitive-discursive networks, webs and fields:
cognitive-discursive performativity
milieu
Indo-european civilization as cog-disc field (Copernicus, Newton, Kant . . . : names associated with "the circuits that hold the
complex neural components of a reading vocabulary or the elaborate
procedural habits of formal thinking"
"western" civilization as cog-disc field (the Crusades, the Inquisitiion, the Holocaust, Trump-Putin)
network is a set of communicating individuals
web is cognitive-discursive performativities spatialized
field is everywhere and nowhere: webs and fields: the "spirit of the age"
Stephen J. Ceci, On Intelligence: A Bioecological Treatise on Intellectual Development, expanded edition (Harvard University Press, 1996)
The possibility that there exists a more restless relationship between
intelligence and context, in which thinking changes both its nature and
its course as one moves from one situation to another, is enough to
cause shudders in some research quarters. It represents a move
toward a psychology of situations . . . xvi
"The term intelligence is often used synonymously with "IQ", "g", or
"general intelligence", especially in some of the psychometric
literature. . . however, the ability to engage in cognitively
complex behaviors will be shown to be independent of IQ, g, or general
intelligence . . . cognitive complexity will be seen to be the more
general of the two notions and the one most theoretically important to
keep in mind when referring to intelligent behavior." 22
. . . it would appear that no theory is capable of handling the
diversity of findings reviewed earlier, unless it consists of the three
prongs of biology, environment, and motivation. An important
feature of the bio-ecological framework has been to suggest mechanisms
by which these three factors combine to produce contextually tied
performances . . . " 192
There are two primary cognitive-discursive webs: the
rational-scientific, upon which modern capitalism is built; and the
moral-emotional semiotic webs within which e eerryday life unfolds
(Ong, Luria, Bruner, Flynn).
But when the
developmental process that creates the numeracy and the literacy
(high-school) that civilization depends upon, and upon which the
capacity for further cognitive development (college) depends; and when
the moral and ethical fabric that makes society possible is being
shredded before our eyes, these two primary discursive webs do not
within themselves have the means to understand or cope with the
violence and greed rampant in the land. And they are a priori unable to
understand the disintegration of cognitive-discursive performativity
within the United States today.
cognitive discursive web refers to actual networks of people who
interact and discuss ideas and events in the context of a
cognitive-discursive field. Whereas cognitive discursive web
refers to actual people in actual contact with one another,
cognitive-discursive field is more elusive. Vivian Gornick’s
memoirs (Fierce Attachments and Odd Woman and the City) provides us
with vivid accounts of what that was and how it worked. Gornick,
in her teen years, became aware of the great world of possibility, of
self-fashioning, a dialectical dance of encounter, immersion, and
growth, a world that was nowhere and everywhere. This is the
world of modern civilization.
CP "circles" (networks, webs, and fields: interviews with George Charney, Mae _____; and Monk, Oppenheimer).
Add: concept of "grifter":
references: Every Man a Speculator; Bud Simons interview; Elder report;
Dover school bd. evolution casey (Judge John E. Jones III on the
mendacity,
ADD jan 6 hearings
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from Maureen Dowd, "Starr Chamber: The Sequel. President Trump reaches deep into the perv barrel for his defense team," NYT, Jan 18, 2020.
The Starr chamber was a
shameful period of American history, with the prissy Puritan
independent counsel hounding and virtually jailing Monica Lewinsky and
producing hundreds of pages of panting, bodice-ripping prose that read
more like bad erotica than a federal report, rife with lurid passages
about breasts, stains and genitalia. Like the Rev. Arthur Dimmesdale
and other Pharisaic Holy Rollers before him, the prosecutor who read
the Bible and sang hymns when he jogged became fixated on sex in an
unhealthy, warped way.
Starr, who once clutched his pearls over Bill Clinton’s sexual high
jinks, is now going to bat for President “Access Hollywood.” After
playing an avenging Javert about foreplay in the Oval, Starr will now
do his utmost to prove that a real abuse of power undermining Congress
and American foreign policy is piffle.
In 2007, he defended Jeffrey Epstein. By 2016, Starr was being ousted
as president of Baptist Baylor University for failing to protect women
and looking the other way when football players were accused and
sometimes convicted of sexual assaults.
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