Invisible University: Transcendental Empiricism in Action
(Understanding "Trump")

(aa1971@wayne.edu)

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Figure 1.  The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal State, 1910-1939

Figure 2.  PISA Math Scores, 2003-2012: 25 Nations

Figure 3.  The Quantum Heterogeneity of Dasein: Five Genetic Ontologies

Figure 4.  UAW, Southeast Michigan: Bildungsproletarians (Table of Interviews)

Figure 5.  Capital: Sources, Sectors, Firms and Functions, 1910-2016

Figure 6. cognitive developmental modalities* that span the history of the tribe hominini 
                   (cognitive-linguistic cardinality)

Figure 6. cognitive developmental modalities* that span the history of the tribe hominini 
                   (cognitive-linguistic cardinality)

Figure 6. cognitive developmental modalities* that span the history of the tribe hominini 
                   (cognitive-linguistic cardinality)
  

Figure 1. The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal State

Southeast Asian nations are in light blue; Scandinavian nations + Switzerland
in dark blue; Anglo-Saxon nations in orange; France, Germany, Belgium and
Poland in green; Italy, Portugal and Spain in brown; the United States in red.
(The advanced capitalist nations.  Some have been
omitted for the sake of visual clarity).

Note the decline in the Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian nations.  The results of
the 2015 tests will be released in December of 2016.

Money, Race and Success: How Your School District Compares (New York Times, 4-29-16)

Figure 3.  The Quantum Heterogeneity of Dasein: Five Genetic Ontologies

* interviews conducted by Jack Skeels
** Lindahl collection at the Reuther Archives includes "Some Institutional Factors in Union Decision Making."  This reads as if it emerged out of to intersubjective pr
^a Emergence of a UAW Local (U. of Pittsburgh Press, 1975)

Oscar Oden	Assembly
Herman Burt	Paint Machine
Levi Nelson	Transportation
Jim Peters	Assembly
Joe Block	Assembly
William Hintz	Assembly
Tiederman	Assembly
Ben Wainwright	Assembly
Chester Podgorsky
Bob Brenner	Tool Room
Barney Kluck	Tool Room
Ed Tyll	Tool Room
George Borovich
John Perry	Assembly
George Bidinger	Large Presses

Arno J. Mayer, The Persistence Of The Old Regime : Europe To The Great War (Pantheon Books, 1981)

Emile, New York 4 hours ago

Mr. Bruni's remarks about "how weak many Americans feel right now," and how they suffer from "disillusionment" has become the liberal path to empathizing with Trump's supporters. The problem is that it's a false narrative.

Trump supporters have always felt strong, not weak. Yes, they are full of hate, but not from disillusionment. Rather, hatred has always pulsed through their veins, and Trump simply amplifies it.

I have a home in rural upstate New York, in a town where I have to mingle with Trump supporters. The homes where Trump signs are posted attest to the fact that his supporters are not poor. And the Trump supporters I see around town do not behave the least bit as if they feel either weak or disillusioned. Mostly, they are loud and vulgar whites who, before Trump, held back from being openly racist, but are now willing to casually utter the most appalling things about Obama and his family, or make the grossest sexist asides, in full awareness that there [are] people around them whom they don't know who can hear them.

Dispense with this utterly false narrative that sees Trump supporters as sufferers. They are doing just fine. Most are what they've always been--arrogant, potentially dangerous people--fascists in the making.

Clinton can never hope to win any of them over. Her best strategy is to target the majority of Americans who recognize Trump's indecency, and make the case that no decent person votes for a man like Trump.

The GOP as the Stupid Party?  An Inadequate Conceptualization.  

Semiotic Regimes: Decoding the Two-Party System. 

The Imus Brouhaha and that which is called "Racism"

from Wikipedia: Lee Atwater on the Southern Strategy

As a member of the Reagan administration in 1981, Atwater gave an anonymous interview to political scientist Alexander P. Lamis. Part of the interview was printed in Lamis's book The Two-Party South, then reprinted in Southern Politics in the 1990s with Atwater's name revealed. Bob Herbert reported on the interview in the October 6, 2005, edition of the New York Times. On November 13, 2012, The Nation magazine released a 42-minute audio recording of the interview.[9] James Carter IV, grandson of former president Jimmy Carter, had asked and been granted access to these tapes by Lamis's widow. Atwater talked about the Republican Southern Strategy and Ronald Reagan's version of it:

Atwater: As to the whole Southern strategy that Harry S. Dent, Sr. and others put together in 1968, opposition to the Voting Rights Act would have been a central part of keeping the South. Now you don't have to do that. All you have to do to keep the South is for Reagan to run in place on the issues he's campaigned on since 1964 and that's fiscal conservatism, balancing the budget, cut taxes, you know, the whole cluster.

Questioner: But the fact is, isn't it, that Reagan does get to the Wallace voter and to the racist side of the Wallace voter by doing away with legal services, by cutting down on food stamps?

Atwater: You start out in 1954 by saying, "Nigger, nigger, nigger." By 1968 you can't say "nigger"—that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced busing, states' rights and all that stuff. You're getting so abstract now [that] you're talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you're talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is [that] blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I'm not saying that. But I'm saying that if it is getting that abstract, and that coded, that we are doing away with the racial problem one way or the other. You follow me—because obviously sitting around saying, "We want to cut this," is much more abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract than "Nigger, nigger."