Index: Laterals
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Agency
Pauketat, p. 2; p. 6; p. 27-8;; p. 28 agency not intentionality; p. 29
see Weber refs
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When Breath Becomes Air
Swarm Theory
Generosity
The Lowland
Bellow-Roth
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Cartesian Selves
לשון הרע
Rick Tillman, The Intellectual Legacy of Thorstein Veblen (Greenwood Press, 1996)
C. Wright Mills has argued
that 'both Marxism and Liberalism make the same rationalist assumption
that men, given the opportunity, will naturally come to political
consciousness of interests, of self, or of class. p. 115
Malafouris and Renfrew, Introduction: The Cognitive Life of Things: Archeology, Material Engagement and the Extended Mind ()
. . . our deeply rooted Cartesian visions and modes of thinking . . . p. 1
Descola, p. 117-125; "the preconceptions of modernity" (p. 405)
Pauketat, p. 5 (on ontologies, p. 6 [also Descola]; p. 11 on "motivated
human agents"; p. 13 on "methodological individualism"; p. 28 on
"rational actors"
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Human Nature 1
1. Gilbert Simondon on "human nature"
from
Andrea Bardin, Epistemology and Political Philosophy in Gilbert Simondon:
Individuation, Technics, Social Systems
“Simondon’s
view on the complex nature of social processes derives from his
adoption of the paradigm of quantum physics for the study of social
systems. Although he does not always make it explicit, a
conception of human nature as a ‘work in progress’ is implicit in his
epistemology. Hence his philosophy allows for a critique of the
modern imagination—both ideological and scientific—of the
contraposition between individuals and society, and can be a useful
tool for questioning the contemporary relation between technological
and social innovation in complex societies. p. 2
Simondon’s model plays thus a demystifying role against this apparent
alternative, be demounting, first of all, the very image of human
nature that all philosophical political imagination has ever been based
on. Simondon’s ground breaking contribution is neither a
restoration of the classical role played by human beings between
divinity and nature, nor the discover of a new ‘place de l’homme dans
la nature’ (De Chardin 1956). It is rather the dissolution of the
very myth of a human nature grounding both sides of this false
alternative. pp. 229-30
. . . Simondon’s perspective entails the full acceptance of
the achievements of the empirical sciences and the integration of
evolutionism in the philosophical worldview. This means not only
the acceptance, of course, that homo sapiens are an animal species, but
also the clarification that political problems do not strictly pertain
to a species, because societies are complex systems made of so many
differently evolving processes taking place at so many different
levels, that they cannot be reduced to any ultimate ‘model’.
Finally, such processes can only very approximately be qualified as
‘human progress’. And, more importantly from a philosophical
point of view, this allows for a rereading of all that has been
traditionally referred to as ‘human nature’ in terms of a complex
intertwining of processes, that it makes no sense anymore to reduce it
to any supposed stable identity, whether individual [Roth] or
collective. p. 230
Through his philosophy of individuation Simondon succeeded in keeping
at a distance the reassuring image of a ‘human nature’, an essence to
which political philosophy had for a long time secured its promise of a
‘normal’ functioning of the ‘body politic’. p. 234
John Pettegrew, Brutes in Suits: Male Sensibility in America, 1890-1920 (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2012).
"human nature" continued below
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Human Nature 2
2. Karl Marx on human nature: the dark side of species being
The
effects
of power deserve as much scrutiny as the strategies and
structures of power. The "people", for the most part, are
neither
innocent bystanders nor independent agents, but are, to varying
degrees, effects of power. (The same could also be said of
elites.*)
from "'Species-Being' and 'Human Nature' in Marx", by Thomas E.
Wartenberg, in Human
Studies, Vol. 5, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1982), pp. 77-95
Marx's great insight
was to show how much of what we take to be'
'natural' ' and ' 'fixed' ' is the result of the social activities of
human beings and therefore is subject to conscious manipulation.
(Wartenberg, p. 82)
This critique asserts
neither that capitalism will inevitably fall apart, nor that it is
unfair insofar as it is based upon exploitation of the worker, although
it is arguable that such critiques are also present in Marx's writings.
The best metaphor for this aspect of Marx's criticism of
capitalism is that it stunts
development of the human species, reducing the human being
to a mere animal. (87)
What I want to
suggest is that,
in rejecting the notion of a fixed human nature, Marx is following a
basic claim of Hegel's social theory, the claim that the form in which
individuality is conceptualized or instantiated in a given social
structure depends upon that very structure itself. Marx accepts this
view of human individuality as historically and socially
conditioned, and then he turns it upon those theorists, both
philosophers and political economists, who accept a particular stage of
human development as definitive of "human nature." In a move similar
to the one he makes against Hegel--but this time following Hegel's
lead--Marx argues that such views of a fixed, ahistorical human nature
treat a particular form of development--one that is empirically
accessible--as yielding a metaphysical truth about the world. . .
.
Hegel-Marx on species being is only an initial formulation of an
historical, sociocultural, cognitive developmental perspective.
And Vygotsky-Bronfenbrenner et. al., in confining themselves
to
educational issues, leave relatively unexplored what in fact could not
really emerge as a problematic until the present, when we are beginning
to see things hitherto unimaginable. (But see Hall, et. al., Criminal Identities and
Consumer
Culture.)
The dialectical-developmental notion in hegelmarx in its early form has
a hopeful, optimistic, progressive ring to it. It did not
understand that power could have the effect of producing a new kind of
barbarism (of which the Holocaust is only the tip of the iceberg), and
fuse this with archaic, pre-human forces on the one hand (proto-Dorian
convention; Wrangham and Wilson "Collective Violence: Comparison
Between Youths and Chimpanzees"); while on the
other hand produce an explosion of narcissistic desire and disindividuation. all of this
being played out in the perverse theaters of public and private life.
Left for dead in this postmodern rubble of a species gone mad
is Bildung.
*Marx, Capital,
vol. III, p. 180. "Concentration of means of production in
few
hands, whereby they cease to appear as the property of the immediate
labourers and turn into social production capacities. Even if initially
they are the private property of capitalists. These are the trustees of
bourgeois society, but they pocket all the proceeds of this
trusteeship." (emphasis added)
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Human Nature 3
Marshall Sahlins on "human nature"
from Hierarchy, Equality, and the Sublimation of Anarchy: The Western Illusion of Human Nature, The Tanner Lectures on Human Values Delivered at The University of Michigan November 4, 2005
[see also Marshall Sahlins, “ The Sadness of Sweetness: The Native Anthropology of Western Cosmology,” Current Anthropology Volume 37, Number 3, June 1996]
"The conscious invention of human nature is the ultimate cultural
specification." p. 404, n. 28 Quote 403-404 on this!!!
"Given that biologically we are human beings only in potentia,
indeterminate creatures whose inclinations remain to be culturally
specified, society might be better conceived as a means of empowering
people rather than subduing them." 404 UAW
on language contra Lacan: 404
on conflation of "the origin of society with the origin of state" 405
--------------------------
Tanner Lecture
Here was the dualism that established the natural ground of our
metaphysical Tri- angle: the antisocial human nature that equality and
hierarchy themselves contend to control. 95
Indeed, the american imperialist project of neoliberal democratization
has the same ancient premise. It assumes that the innate practical
rationality common to mankind, if it can be relieved of local culture
idiosyncrasies, as by employing the kind of force anyone would natu-
rally understand, will make other peoples happy and good, just like
us. 96
more cynical (and more up to date sociobiologi- cally speaking) is
callicas’s complex argument in the Gorgias (482c–484a, 492a–c) that
such good order and noble sentiments are merely mystifi- cations of an
irrepressible self-interest: merely public right thinking by which the
weak vainly attempt to suppress the gainful inclinations of the
strong. [contra Cliff Williams UAW] 96
Beyond the ancient arguments about whether human nature was good or bad
and the cultural constructions that could be made of it, the Western
tradition has long harbored an alternative conception of order, of the
kind anthropologists traditionally studied: kinship community. It is
true that in the West this is generally the unremarked human condition,
despite that—or perhaps because—family and kindred relations are
sources of our deepest sentiments and attachments. Ignoring these, our
philosophies of human nature generally come from the larger society,
organized on radically different principles. In the occurrence, “human
nature” almost always consists of the imagined dispositions of active
adult males, to the exclusion of women, children, and old folks and the
neglect of the one universal principle of human sociality, kinship. 97
In this condition of mutuality of being, interests are no more confined
to the satisfactions of the individual body than selves are to its
boundar- ies. ethnographic notices tell rather of “the transpersonal
self ” (native americans), of the self as “a locus of shared social
relations or shared bi- ographies” (caroline Islands), of the person as
“the plural and composite site of the relationships that produced them”
(new Guinea Highlands). observations of this kind are easily
multiplied, and what they all indicate is a certain disconformity
between the self as being and the person as sin- gular agent. on the
one hand, the self transcends the person and is present in other
persons. People enter into mutual relationships of being by virtue of
birth, residence, marriage, common descent, gift exchange, dependence
on the same land, feeding and nurturing, or other such means by which
kinship is locally established. on the other hand, then, the single
person includes the multiple selves with whom he or she is in such
communion. Through various kin relationships, others become predicates
of one’s own existence. I do not mean the interchange of
standpoints that is a feature of all direct social relationships
according to the phenomenologists. I mean the integration of certain
relationships, hence of certain others, in one’s own being. We have not
to do here with the self-contained, self-loving individuals of the
native Western folklore. Indeed, for them, not even ex- perience, that
ultimate individual function, is in fact individual. 99-100
. . . .
Here is the very opposite of bourgeois possessive individualism: in a
community of reciprocal being, not even a person’s body is his or her
own; it is a social body, the subject of the empa- thy, concern, and
responsibility of others. . . . natural self-interest? For the
greater part of humankind, self- interest as we know it has been
madness, witchcraft, or some such grounds for ostracism, execution, or
at least therapy.100
There is no such “nature” as we know it, and a fortiori no dualism of nature and culture.101
The Illusion of Human nature
The problem is not whether human nature is good or bad. The many “anti-
Hobbists” of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries who attacked
innate egoism on the grounds of natural goodness or natural sociability
remained within the same sclerotic framework of a corporeal
determination of cultural forms. But beginning in the enlightenment,
the idea of the human condition as a culturalized nature appeared
within the Western tradition. Thus Adam Ferguson’s observation that
individuals do not exist before or apart from society but are
constituted therein. In society they are born, and there they
remain—capable of all the sentiments on which diverse peoples construct
their existence, amity prominent among them and enmity as well. For
Marx similarly, the “human essence” exists in and as social
relationships, not in some poor bugger squatting outside the universe.
Men individualize themselves only in the context of society, as notably
in the European society of the eighteenth century, which thus gave rise
to the economists’ fantasies (“robinsonades”) of constructing their
science from the supposed dispositions of a single isolated adult male.
nor did Marx indulge in reading from social formations to innate
dispositions, although again one could certainly read from bourgeois
society to the mythical Hobbesian war of each against all. Born neither
good nor bad, human beings form themselves for better or worse in
social activity (praxis) as it unfolds in given historical
circumstances. One might suppose that some knowledge of colonized
others contributed to this an- thropology. In any case, with the
important proviso that “given cultural orders” replace “given
historical circumstances” in the Marxist formulation, in other words
that the praxis by which people make themselves is itself culturally
informed, this notion of the human condition is an ethno-graphic
commonplace.
No ape can tell the difference between holy water and distilled water,
Leslie White used to say, because there is no difference
chemically—although the meaningful difference makes all the difference
for how people value the water, even as, unlike apes, whether or not
they are thirsty makes no difference in this regard. That was my brief
lesson on what means “sym-bol” and what means “culture.” regarding the
implications for human nature, leading a life according to culture
means having the ability and knowing the necessity of achieving our
natural inclinations symbolically, according to meaningful
determinations of ourselves and the objects of our existence. Human
culture, it needs be considered, is much older than human nature:
culture has been in existence for two million years or more, ten or
fifteen times longer than the modern human species, homo sapiens.
respectable biological opinion has come around to seeing the human
brain as a social organ, evolving in the Pleistocene under the
“pressure” of maintaining a relatively extended, complex, and solidary
set of social relationships. This is to say that culture, which is
the condition of the possibility of this successful social
organization, thereby conditioned the possibilities of the human
organism, body and soul. The “pressure” was to become a cultural
animal, or, more precisely, to culturalize our animality. For two
million years, we have evolved biologically under cultural selec-
tion. not that we are or were“ blank slates,”lacking anyinherent
biological imperatives, only that what was uniquely selected for in the
genus homo was the ability to realize these imperatives in the untold
different ways that archaeology, history, and anthropology have
demonstrated. Biology became a determined determinant, inasmuch as its
necessities were mediated and organized symbolically. We have the
equipment to live a thousand different lives, as Clifford Geertz says,
although we end up living only one. But this is possible only on the
condition that biological imperatives do not specify the objects or
modes of their realization.
So who are the realists? Fijians say that young children have “watery
souls,” meaning they are indeterminate until they demonstrate their
social being by the practice of Fijian relationships. as in many
kinship-domi- nated communities, humanity is defined by reciprocity.
“The mind (will, awareness),” strathern was told in Hagen, “first
becomes visible when a child shows feeling for those related to it, and
comes to appreciate the interdependence or reciprocity that
characterizes social relationships.” Although from augustine to
Freud the needs and dependencies of infants have been taken as evidence
of their egoism—consider how we gratuitously speak of the child’s needs
as “demands”—the prevalent interpretation among the anthropological
others is simply that the child is incomplete, not yet defined as human
by engagement in the cultural praxis of relation- ships. Human nature
then becomes a specific cultural kind. so when in Java “the people
quite frankly say, ‘To be human is to be Javanese,’” Geertz, who
reports it, says they are right—in the sense that “there is no such
thing as human nature independent of culture.” again, not that there
is no such nature, but that its mode of existence and social efficacy
depends on the culture concerned—a mediated and thus determined
determinant.
What is most pertinent to the relations between physis and nomos is not
(for example) that all cultures have sex but that all sex has culture.
sexual drives are variously expressed and repressed according to local
de- terminations of appropriate partners, occasions, times, places, and
bodily practices. We sublimate our generic sexuality in all kinds of
ways—includ- ing its transcendence in favor of the higher values of
celibacy, which also proves that in symbolic regimes there are more
compelling ways of achiev- ing immortality than the inscrutable
mystique of the “selfish gene.” after all, immortality is a thoroughly
symbolic phenomenon—what else could it be? (In The Theory of moral
sentiments, adam smith observes that men have been known to voluntarily
throw away lives to acquire after death a renown that they could no
longer enjoy, being content to anticipate in the imagination the fame
it would bring them.) Likewise, sexuality is realized in various
meaningfully ordered forms. some even do it by telephone. or for
another example of conceptual manipulation (pun intended), there is
Bill Clinton’s “I did not have sex with that woman.”
As it is for sex, so for other inherent needs, drives, or dispositions:
nutritional, aggressive, egoistic, sociable, compassionate—whatever
they are, they come under symbolic definition and thus cultural order.
In the occurrence, aggression or domination may take the behavioral
form of, say, the new Yorker’s response to “Have a nice day”—“don’t
tell me what to do!” We war on the playing fields of eton, give battle
with swear words and insults, dominate with gifts that cannot be
reciprocated, or write scathing book reviews of academic adversaries.
eskimos say gifts make slaves, as whips make dogs. But to think that,
or to think our prover- bial opposite, that gifts make friends—a saying
that like the eskimos’ goes against the grain of the prevailing
economy—requires that we are born with “watery souls,” waiting to
manifest our humanity for better or worse in the meaningful experiences
of a particular way of life. not, however, as in our ancient
philosophies and modern sciences, that we are condemned by an
irresistible human nature to look to our own advantage at the cost of
whomever it may concern and thus become menaces to our own social
existence.
It’s all been a huge mistake. my modest conclusion is that Western
civi- lization has been largely constructed on a mistaken idea of
“human nature.” (sorry, beg your pardon; it was all a mistake.) It is
probably true, however, that this mistaken idea of human nature
endangers our existence.
92. Ferguson, an
Essay on the history of civil society, edited by Fania oz-salzberger
(cambridge: cambridge university Press, 1995). “If both the latest and
earliest accounts col- lected from every quarter of the earth,
represent mankind as assembled in troops and compa- nies; and the
individual always joined by affection to one party, while he is
possibly opposed to another; employed in the exercise of recollection
and foresight; inclined to communicate his own sentiments, and to be
acquainted with those of others; these facts must be admitted as the
foundation of all our reasoning relative to man” (9).
93.
seeLawrenceKrader,“Karlmarxasethnologist,transactionsofthenewYorkacad-
emy of sciences, ser. 2, 35, no. 4 (1973); and his “critique
dialectique de la nature humaine,” l’homme et al société, no. 10 (1968).
94.
BernardG.campbell,JamesD.Loy,andKathryncruz-uribe,humankindEmerg- ing,
9th ed. (Boston: Pearson, allyn, and Bacon, 2006), 257 and passim.
95. Geertz,TheInterpretationofcultures(newYork:BasicBooks,1973),45.
96. strathern,GenderoftheGift,90.
97. Geertz,TheInterpretationofcultures,52–53,49.
98. We would know more of the variety of cultural
conceptions of human nature if anthropologists had bothered to
investigate them. curiously, inquiry into peoples’ ideas of human
nature is not in the standard protocols of ethnographic fieldwork.
There is no such category in the hallowed fieldwork manual notes and
Queries in anthropology. In the Human relations area Files, it is a
minor subcategory, rarely reported on. Is this neglect because we
already know what human nature is? Because we think it is a scientific
category, thus the intel- lectual concern of the anthropologists rather
than their interlocutors? or maybe because the other peoples have no
such concept and the question would be meaningless? Probably all of the
above.
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Human Nature 4
4. Wozniak-Vygotsky-Piaget on "human nature"
Wozniak
“For Vygotsky, the emphasis was on the constant process of
transformation and reorganization, the formation of novel structures
and the functioning of such structures in the further synthesis of even
newer forms. The similarity of this analysis to that of Piaget is
evident” 14
“ . . . Piaget and Vygotsky also took somewhat parallel
routes—constructing developmental conceptions of mind/environment
transaction . . .” 14
“sociality and historicity” p. 17 re. Sahlins et. al.
“In development, human nature is not simply socialized, it is
transformed by society and history embedded in the very system of
meanings by which humans make sense of their experience and
action.” p. 17 More! also W. critiques V. on p. 17
on intersubjectivity p. 22
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Discussion of Brutes in Suits
2. Karl Marx on human nature: the dark side of species being
The
effects
of power deserve as much scrutiny as the strategies and
structures of power. The effects of power on the organism, and on
the culture within which this organism must adapt to or challenge its
condition of subjugation; the organism, not yet a subject, only becomes
a subject in the context of this subjugation. And this subject is
not a "self," but is rather the form induced by the general historical
situation, a mode of discourse, the site of management.
Brutes in suits attempts to understand the passion for war, and for
related performances of masculinity (sport, hunting, lynching), in a
way that eliminates the entire Nietzschean comprehension of homo
sapiens' predicament, which is formulated variously by Freud and Klein
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psuedo-speciation vs. racism
This concept of pseudo-speciation is the antithesis of the varieties of neo-racism that now
permeate the semiosphere--for example, Nicholas Wade's neo-racist A Troublesome Inheritance:
Genes, Race and Human History* (Penguin
Press, 2014), and Gregory Cochran and Henry Harpending's neo-racist The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution
(2009). Serious neo-racist works, such as these, have three
characteristics. First, " . . . the authors employ an undefined
and oftentimes arbitrary racial classificatory scheme, assume race to
be a natural fact, use ethnocentric metrics to measure intelligence (but see Ceci's critique of the concept of intelligence) and
attempt to lay the ground work for the racial classification of
humanity by intelligence."**
Second, these works merely dress up in psuedo-scientific terms the dark
side of neoliberalism--its racist mass appeal; and third our whole
culture seems to be animated by a feverish hostility
to understanding humans as extremely complex cultural historical,
ontologically indeterminate
organisms. There are striking differences in cognitive and other
behavioral phenomena among humans, but these have nothing to do with
genes and everything to do with history and culture, culture and power,
power and the reactions to power . . . and with politics.
Racism affirms that "character" and "intelligence" are inherited,
whether through bloodline, race, or genes. It makes little
difference which of these a racist ideology relies on, for they all
amount to a wholesale rejection of history, sociology, philosophy,
anthropology, biology, literature, educational theory. In place
of Dewey, Nietzsche, Freud and Vygotsky, the man in the street.
Indeed, one might say that the racist conception of human difference is
not only intellectually null. It is also a symptom of the
primitive cognitive processes characteristic of racism. This site
takes the bull by the horns, and addresses human differences from a
cultural-historical and
a political perspective. Taking the bull by the horns means
goring not a few sacred cows. When this is done our number one sacred cow bites the dust--the
myth of the individual, the Cartesian self in a market economy (the
self-evident ontological given and eternal truth of our being, the selfy self-same self)--and is
replaced, as a first, and only first, approximation, by the
Quantum Heterogeneity of Dasein: Five Genetic Ontologies.
Jonathan
Marks and others have critiqued the current manifestations of racist
psuedo-science, and historians of science have described the manner in
which popular myths and powerful interests combine to produce this
psuedo-science. The most touchy subject of all, however, is to
actually account for the enormous variation among contemporary humans.
And now, the myth of white supremacy is shattered before our eyes, as
Donald Trump orchestrates a display of cognitive primitivism among the
whitest of the white folk of America; as the best-selling Hillbilly Elegy --a revival of the soft-racist culture of poverty thesis***--
applies this thesis to the Trump base; and thus, an enormous segment of
the "white" population that is now going under,
decomposing, clinging all the more desperately to its mythic
being, join the class of people who do not succeed because of the
effects of their own dysfunctional culture. How far under?
Donald Trump's totally unexpected
success provides a clue. Stay tuned.
*See
Jonathan Marks' review
and blog (anthropomics). Also Geneticists
say popular book misrepresents research on human evolution
(Nature)
**from review by Cadell Last, Explorations in Anthropology, Vol.12, No. 1, pp. 120–123.
***Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship Between Classes in Victorian Society is a good antidote to this simplistic exclusion of history, politics and economics from thinking about poverty.
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Civic Republicanism . . . or Nihilism (1)
John Toland
Mah
Brandeis: two books on pol economy: alternate tracks (Berk & Perrow)
Cliff Williams et. al.
vs. nihilism
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Civic Republicanism . . . or Nihilism (2)
on "life qua antithesis of civic republicanism" (on encountering Missing Out: In Praise of the Unlived Life by Adam Phillips)
1. book-Amazon-NYT article The Art of Vulgarity (August 15, 2016)
2. Failure to Thrive (3-12-15) and Unequal, Yet Happy (4-11-15)
Unforbidden
Pleasures (An ambitious book that speaks to the precariousness of
modern life, Unforbidden Pleasures explores the philosophical,
psychological, and social dynamics that govern human desire and shape
our everyday reality.)
3. TED talks: TED talks are lying to you, by Thomas Frank
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. . . other dimensions
Novels
Balzac, Mann, Bellow, Roth
Psychoanalysis
Nietzsche,
Freud, Lacan, Kohut, Alcorn
Journalism
New York Times
Non-fiction memoirs
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on Marx(ism)(s)
from David Harvey's Webpage:
I
also felt a pressing need to illustrate the contemporary relevance of
Marx’s thinking for politics. This carried with it an obligation to
identify not only what we might learn from Marx but what he had left
incomplete, assumed away or simply (heaven forbid!) gotten wrong. It
also entailed recognizing what was outdated in his thinking and what
was not. The question that was very much on my mind was: What is it
that reading Marx can teach us today and what is it that we have to do
for ourselves to understand the world around us?
This
brings us to the case of Seventeen Contradictions. In this work I had
two main aims. The first was to define what anti-capitalism might
entail. I thought this necessary because while many may claim to hold
to an anti-capitalist political position, it is not at all clear what
they might or ought to mean by this. The second, was to give rational
reasons for becoming anti-capitalist in the light of the contemporary
state of things.
Marx’s analyses of the inner contradictions of capital
What also emerges is a much more decentered picture of what capital is about than is normally portrayed
Finally, there are deeply troubling signs world-wide of what I call
“universal alienation” in which the loss of meaning and of future
possibilities in all aspects of physical and mental life (in the home
as well as at work) produces inchoate and often strange forms of
sociality and revolt. The proliferations of religious fundamentalisms
and the rising menace of fascist revivals need to be taken seriously,
turning civil society into a vast field of struggle over capital’s as
well as humanity’s future, which only an ultra-militarized state
apparatus seems at this time capable of controlling through brute force
and astonishing technologies of surveillance and repression. Never has
the choice between socialism and barbarism been more starkly posed at a
historical conjuncture when the broad left has never been so weak. The
imperative to be anti-capitalist and to stand up to the
ultra-militarized state apparatuses that now dominate, butts up against
“the globalization of indifference” and the confusions of skepticism
and disbelief rooted in universal alienation.
then the hidden hand of the market (which Marx identified as the hidden
hand of social labor) operates in such a way as to make personal
identities, subjectivities, desires and intents irrelevant to the
overall logic of capital accumulation.
In Volume One Marx defines value as socially necessary labour time but
then inserts one sentence that says if there is no want, need, or
desire (backed by ability to pay we later discover) then there is no
value.
The result has been a
bias in the history of Marxist thinking towards a “productivist”
reading of Capital while questions of realization are treated as of
secondary importance.
We only have to think of how contemporary consumerism works – fashion,
advertising, rapid obsolescence, the political economy of spectacle (in
which production and consumption are fused) – to see how technological
and organizational innovations are marshaled to speed up life.
When financiers can fund the activities of housing developers as well
as the demand for housing through the mortgage finance they offer, then
the conditions for an asset bubble of the sort that formed around
housing after 2001 are themselves realized. {pf: here I would argue
that regression to the primate helps explain the actual behavior of economic actors--patrimonialism}
PF: in all this an implicit rejection of "man is the as yet undetermed
animal"; "man is a bridge"; a failure to analyze desire rather than
focus on the unjust thwarting of desire. The organism as
infinitely differentiable; as hapless blob;as rupture with civilization
what harvey misses is that the whole question revolves around
agency. It is not that people are fucked over in various
ways; it is that the very form of life now extant is incapable of
anything but what we see . . . including Trump.
Paris
the cause of human emancipation (Paris, 14)
REVIEWS of Karl Marx: Greatness and Illusion, by Gareth Stedman Jones
The Dialectical Man (John Gray, Literary Review. August 2016)
The value of Karl Marx’s 19th century thinking in today’s world (Mark Mazower, Financial Times, August 5, 2016)
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An Ontology of the New Right
Joseph E. Lowndes, From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism (Yale Univesity Press, 2008)
see Miles, Carter
"foundational violence of modern Republicanism" (2)
"But it has not been easy for the GOP to shed its racial legacy because
the party became dominant through racially inflected positions on
poverty, crime, affirmative action, and government assistance." (2) Atwater-Lacan signifying chain
critiques "backlash" theory, Edsall. 3
"Politics is not merely the realm where preexisting interests,
grievances, and passions are given expression. Rather, it is in
and through politics that interests, grievances, and passions are
forged and new collective identities created. Backlash, the
ideological cornerstone and justification for modern conservatism,
masks what was a long-term process whereby various groups in different
places and times attempted to link racism, anti-government populism,
and economic conservatism into a discourse and institutional strategy
through linguistic appeals, party-building, social movement organizing,
and the exercise of state power. In the process, the very
interests and self-understanding of these groups were continually under
construction as they moved from coalition to collective political
identity. As opposed to being entrenched and traditionalist (or
reactionary, depending on one's politics), the Right that
developed is better viewed as contingent, mobile, and highly adaptive,
constantly responding to changing conditions on the ground." 4-5
"Conservative Manifesto" 14 "including a balanced budget, tax
reduction, a new labor policy, maintenance of states' rights and local
self-government "14
❮See Atwater on signifying chain❯
"Republican moderates had prevailed in the party at the national level
since the New Deal, with most of the party's presidential candidates
supporting internationalism and the welfare state. This wing was
based in the Northeast and linked to Wall Street. Conservatives
in the party tended to be mid-western or western, identified with small
business, isolationist, and opposed to nearly all aspects of the New
Deal. 48 See Miles
"Wallace charged into this open political moment as a contradictory
figure whose paradoxes were legion: as the simultaneous embodiment of
the 'average citizen' and self-conscious caricature of a redneck, he
was a politician with whom many Americans could identify ❮compare this with Trump re. proto-Dorian convention❯ even as they
differentiated themselves from his image. He called for law and
order, yet he never strayed from the spectacle of disruptive violence
himself. . . . Although he always claimed he was not a
racist, racial demonization was the cornerstone of his success."
77-78
"The making of new political orders is always tumultuous, because
creating a new collective political identity requires the
rending of people from old traditions and political identifications
while producing new exclusions. The fashioning of Wallace's
antigovernment populism was a moment of founding violence for the
modern Right in a way the Goldwater campaign was not, because it relied
on politics outside of accepted norms or institutional party channels."
78
"The people [Wallace] attempted to bring together into a common
identity were poor white southerners, working class urban ethnics,
farmers, small business owners, and alienated suburbanites from across
regions. The positions he claimed to represent were also
heterogeneous: states' rights, individual freedoms, law and order,
anticommunism, economic libertarianism, and Protestant
Christianity. 79
"Yet in order for Wallace supporters to see themselves as average
citizens, their enemies had to be cast as the real outsiders; not
people with whom they simply had political disagreements, but parasites
on the national body. In other words, in order to make his
outsiders insiders, Wallace had to rhetorically connect the liberal
center to those he described as unproductive and decadent. Thus,
as his rhetoric evolved, he invoked bureaucrats, 'permissive' judges,
the ultra-wealthy, protesters, rioters, welfare recipients, and
criminals alike as threats to the nation to establish a fundamental
unity among the groups he claimed to represent. 79-80
"Wallace first gained national renown as a defender of segregation, but
he soon abandoned open racial rhetoric. Rather, he helped to
create what is often referred to now as 'racial coding' by critics of
the Right. Generally overlooked in discussions of coding, however,
is that the very act of translation--of using nonracial words and
phrases to speak about matters of race-- changes the meaning of that
which is being translated. If audiences outside the Deep South
required altered language, that could only reflect their ambivalence
about racist politics; otherwise, why not simply openly appeal to
racial sentiments? In order to make race work for him nationally,
Wallace hd to convince his audiences that race meant something else--it
had to exceed its own boundaries and come to stand for a number of
issues. As a key term in an emergent chain of associations ❮See Atwater-Lacan on signifying chain❯, race
both saturated and was masked by this new antigovernment populism." 81
[subhead: "Violence and the Paradox of Law and Order"] {PF note: add Fantasy and its context}
"Wallace and his aides understood early on that the
protests and physical clashes generated by his rallies, far from being a
hindrance, actually helped his cause. Violence, both material and
symbolic, has particular significance in the American context where the
cultural meanings assigned to violence have defined and redefined the
identity of the nation itself at critical moments. 'Law and
Order' was a hallmark of Wallace's candidacies. Yet at the same
time, Wallace and his supporters were linked to violence
themselves in a number of ways, sometimes legally sanctioned,
sometimes lawless. The threat, anticipation, and performance of
violence were all central to Wallace's image and political
success. As a candidate running against the system, against the
two parties and the federal government, Wallace both evoked the specter
of unchecked violence that threatened the American people and
threatened violence on behalf of that same people." 87
"His critics charged that as a racist (or proto-fascist) Wallace
hypocriticaly denounced violence while using it to maintain Jim Crow in
Alabama and endorse a police state nationally. The two assertions
are essentially two side of the same coin. Each maintained that
Wallace's political goal was to uuphold the racial status quo in the
South and put an end to demonstrations and riots around the
nation. But violence was not a means to a political end for
Wallace; rather, it was constitutive of Wallace's politics itself, and
a key ingredient of his appeal. The combative opposition that
Wallace and his supporters performed over the course of his carer
helped define his political influence. In his stand against
federal authority, in his threats to run over demonstrators if they got
in the way of his car, in his links to violent white supremacists, and
in the fistfights at his rallies, Wallace and his supporters forged a
new sense of us and them, drew new lines that defined new
identities. The extremety of ;this founding violence kept it from
being hegemonic, but performed the political division that Wallace
sought, and could help him and those he represented appear to be the
real victims." 87-88
"From the stage, Wallace would invite hecklers to shout at him, even
egging them on if they were too quiet. He did not just invite
attacks against himself; he incited crowd members against each
other. During his rallies he would build the tension until a clash
became all but inevitable. But through the use of humor, he was
generaly able to keep fights from erupting outright. For the
audience, this perhaps provided a cathartic experience, an energetic
disavowal of the enemy that deepened their identification wit his
antigovernment racial populism."88
"In this book I analyze the meaning and effects of the speeches,
writings, and private corresponence of actors in relation to the
distinct political and institutional contexts in which they emerged,
particularly the mediating institution of party. This approach,
which foregrounds the discursive basis of instititutions, provides a
way of understanding how political regimes are created, altered,
occasionally dismantled, and replaced by agents in new political
conditions. A focus on discourse foregrounds the real work of
change that happens on the micro level. It also demonstrates the
mobility of language as it gets deployed and redeployed to both respond
to and then reshape political realities on the ground. This
process lays bare the contingency of the various assemblages we come to
call political order." 159
"Conservative legitimacy requires the fable that the rise of the Right
was the inevitable return to first principles--as opposed to the
eventual triumph of a particular coalition acheived through bitter
conflict. In this way the backlash narrative of the rise of the
Right fails to disclose a key feature of the Right's eventual
triumph. The making of new political orders is a disruptive
process that requires the successful definition of myriad others as
threatening to the nation. The act of defining the outside often
exceeded the boundaries of normal politics and depended on the real and
symbolic uses of demonization and even violence." 160-61
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George Monbiot article world parliament; from Wiki:
His fifth book, The Age of
Consent: A Manifesto for a New World Order, was published in 2003. The
book is an attempt to set out a positive manifesto for change for the
global justice movement. Monbiot criticises anarchism and Marxism,
arguing that any possible solution to the world's inequalities must be
rooted in a democratic parliamentary system. The four main changes to
global governance which Monbiot argues for are a democratically elected
world parliament which would pass resolutions on international issues;
a democratised United Nations General Assembly to replace the unelected
UN Security Council; the proposed International Clearing Union which
would automatically discharge trade deficits and prevent the
accumulation of debt; and a fair trade organisation which would
regulate world trade in a way that protects the economies of poorer
countries.[68]
behind/beneath this text <myth of the people, that haze of
the unspoken unthought givenness of "man" at the core of philosophies
of "liberation">
There
is a skittishness of liberals and those to their left when it comes to
dealing with cognitive "inequality" (a word which I almost never use
because of its lack of specificity and its ideological and emotional
loading, and do so here only for its shock value). By specificity
I mean the following:
from Merlin Donald, "The mind considered from a historical perspective:
human cognitive phylogenesis and the possibility of continuing
cognitive evolution." In D. Johnson & C. Ermeling (Eds.) The Future
of the Cognitive Revolution (Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 360-61
"mimetic representations are evident in human children before they
acquire language competence. . . . They continue to be important
in adults, taking the form of highly variable social customs, athletic
skills, and group expressive patterns (such as mass demonstrations of
aggression or rejection)."
and from Merlin Donald, A Mind So Rare:
. . . modern culture contains within it a trace of each of our
previous stages of cognitive evolution. It still rests on the
same old primate brain capacity for episodic or event knowledge.
But it has three additional, uniquely human layers: a mimetic layer, an
oral-linguistic layer, and an external-symbolic layer. The minds
of individuals reflect these three ways of representing reality.
(p. 262)
The technical means for distinguishing between cognitive modalities has
been provided by Piaget in his concept of stages of development
(sensorimotor, pre-operational, concrete operational, and formal
operational). For example:
from Anthony Orton, Learning Mathematics: Issues, Theory, and Classroom
Practice (Continuum International Publishing Group, 2004)
"Nevertheless, the terminology 'concrete operations', 'formal
operations', is still apparently found to be useful by those reporting
on empirical research, and by many who write about child development
and curriculum reform" p. 68.
and from Michael Cole, The Development of Children (W. H. Freeman and Co, 1996), p. 485
"R. Murray Thomas illustrates the difference between concrete
operations and formal operations (which are said to appear in early
adolescence) with the following two questions:
Concrete: If Alice has two apples and Caroline gives her three more, how many will there be?
Formal: Imagine that there are two quantities which together make up a
whole. If we increase the first quantitity but the whole remains
the same, what has happened to the second quantity?
Hugh Rosen, Piagetian Dimensions of Clinical Relevance (Columbia
University Press, 1985) extends Piaget's work into the areas of
everyday life and psychotherapy.
---------------
Concrete Universal
Findlay, Simondon
Absolute
Casirrer, Simondon (re Bardin p. 230
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What is to be done presupposes a subject who does the doing, and that
from the standpoint of the needs or interests of said subject.
Once it was "the people." Then it was "the proletariat."
More recently it was the hodge-podge, the potpurri, the grab-bag of
victim groups--Every text on the "left," produced in the era of
neo-liberalism, is on the hunt for a new class with radical
chains. The utter futility of such efforts is no deterrent.
envy, greed, and revenge: how does this fit in with Lacan/Verhaeghe?
What is missing from the psychological pantheon of Lacan-Deleuze et.
al. is Kohut-Alcorn et. al. N=64 is unintelligible if we exclude
these latter texts.
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