FDR Morris L. Cooke
from Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power. Volume II: The rise of classes and national states (Cambridge University Press, 1993)
It
is a basic tenet of my work that societies are not systems. There
is no ultimately determining structure to human existence--at least
none that social actors or sociological observers, situated in its
midst, can discern. What we call societies are only loose
aggregates of diverse, overlapping, intersecting power networks.
p. 506 America has not so much been exceptional as it has gradually come to represent one extreme on a continuum of class relations. America has never differed qualitatively from other national cases. Differences have been of degree, not kind. . . . Explanations asserting an original and enduring American exceptionalism . . . have only a very limited truth. p. 638 from Roosevelt and Frankfurter: their correspondence, 1928-1945, annotated by Max Freedman (Little, Brown, 1967), pp. 282-83
The following memorandum by Frankfurter, as Roosevelt recognized and
indicated, was a historic document, for it showed that Roosevelt knew
he would have trouble with the Congressional leaders of his party as
early as the summer of 1935. The memorandum destroys the myth
that the divisions in the Democratic party became serious only because
of the court-packing fight and the attempt to purge uncooperative
Democrats like Senators George and Tydings.
Memorandum
The White House, July 10, 1935
Last night, after a
very delightful dinner on the South Porch, the President asked
Ferdinand Pecora and me into his study in the Oval Room. He said
he had a nasty little problem—a row between Senator Tydings, Chairman
of the Senate Investigating Committee now examining conditions in the
Virgin Islands, and Secretary Harold Ickes. The latter had sent an
irate letter to Tydings charging him with unfairness in the conduct of
the investigation. Tydings had replied with acerbity. There
are involved several personalities—a constituent of Tydings, a Judge, a
former Congressman, and Senator Pat Harrison who has taken up the
cudgels for Tydings. Pat Harrison has enlisted the support of
Senator Joe Robinson, and these Democratic leaders are asking for the
scalp of Ickes. The President said Ickes is hot-tempered and
impulsive and all that and treats Congressmen and Senators with
brusqueness; but he is very valuable and the President refuses to let
him go.
And then, the President, after ruminating on the situation, said, “Moreover, at bottom, the leaders like Joe Robinson, though he has been loyal, and Pat Harrison are troubled about the whole New Deal. They just wonder where the man in the White House is taking the old Democratic party. During their long public life, forty years or so, they knew it was the old Democratic party. They were safe and when Republicans got into trouble, the old Democratic party won nationally. But in any event they, and in the South without opposition, were all right and old-fashioned. But now they just wonder where that fellow in the White House is taking the good old Democratic party. They are afraid there is going to be a new Democratic party which they will not like. That’s the basic fact in all these controversies and that explains why I will have trouble with my own Democratic party from this time on in trying to carry out further programs of reform and recovery. I know the problem inside my party but I intend to appeal from it to the American people and to go steadily forward with all I have.” (emphasis added) Frankfurter noted that he read his minutes of this conversation to the President, who asked Frankfurter to keep the memorandum because of its "historic value.” |
The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal state
Source: "Membership List, May 1927," in the Morris L. Cooke Papers, box 66, FDR Library,
and The United States Government Manual 1937. Also: the Papers of John M. Carmody
The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal State: Career Matrix
Ordway Tead, "An Interpretative Forecast of the NRA: Is the Trend Toward Fascist or
Socialized Self-Government?" Bulletin of the Taylor Society, August 1933
For context see Elites: Strategic and Otherwise
FDR vs. the Slave Power: MEMO July 10, 1935
"Liberal Businessmen" Ezekiel
| "The Origins of the "Welfare State": The Keynesian Elite and the Second New Deal, 1910-1936" (manuscript, 1987) |
What we call societies are only loose
aggregates of diverse, overlapping,
intersecting power networks
proto-Keynesian discourse, circa 1871: origins of the multiplier effect
intersecting power networks
proto-Keynesian discourse, circa 1871: origins of the multiplier effect
from Prophets of Regulation: Charles Francis Adams, Louis D. Brandeis, James M. Landis, Alfred E. Kahn, By Thomas K. McCraw, pp. 35-36 The commission tried
the cocked-gun approach in a circular letter mailed out to all
Massachusetts railroads in 1871. Adams' purpose was to promote
rate reductions, by way of both enticements and threat. The
letter . . . outlined the reduced costs brought by technological
innovation ("The locomotive which formerly cost $30,000 now costs but
$12,000"), the unusual opportunity now at hand ("Massachusetts is at
this time susceptible of a very great and sudden industrial
development"), and the payoff to the railroads thesmselves ("It is a
pefectly well-established fact in railroad economy, that where a
community in industrially in an elastic condition . . . a reduction of
railroad charges within certain limits does not necessarilly involve
any loss of net profits").
The content of the rate recommendations revealed Adams' preoccupation with aggregate economic growth. He emphasized, for example, a form of what economists later called the multiplier effect: In making any
reduction, whether in freight or fares, we would therefore suggest to
you [Massachusetts railroad presidents] the propriety of strongly
favoring certain commodities in general use along the line of the road,
and, by so doing, strongly stimulate development, rather than
neutralize the whole effect of any concessions you may make by dividing
it among too many objects. Take for instance coal . . . a primary
raw material in all manufacturing industry. Cheap coal is cheap
power; and cheap power is cheap manufacturing. A reduction of
five per cent. throughout the charges of tariff would scarcely produce
an appreciable effect on the consumption of anything; a tariff,
unchanged in numerous other respects, which gave a reduction of fifty
per cent. on the cost of carrying coal, would at once communicate an
impetus to every branch of industry dependent on power.
|
Thermidor: Morris L. Cooke to Harlow S. Person
|
New Hope, Pa.
Dr. Harlow S. PersonJuly 7, 1953 94 South Lawn Avenue Dobbs Ferry, New York My dear Harlow: That is a very
distressing letter you wrote to me under June 28 [1953]. I want
you to know that in my opinion your being released by REA [Rural
Electrification Administration] is a very important event. Your
own experience taken with several others that have been brought to my
attention leads me to feel that we are entering a new era of
Know-Nothingism. The present [Eisenhower] Administration is
dropping people at may points whose services are invaluable because of
their long experience and loyalty to the tasks in hand and substituting
for them people who not only have no idea what it is all about, but
look upon their activities as playful parts of a political game.
And all of this is going on under a minimum of supervision from the
responsible head of the Government [Eisenhower]. When it comes to
personnel, the answers he makes to questions he is asked at press
conferences show that he either has a very poor memory or has not been
consulted about some of the most important appointments about to be
made.
in the the Morris L. Cooke Papers, box 156, folder 9, FDR Library |
| The New Deal is generally seen as a response to the catastrophic
collapse of the economy symbolized by the stock market crash of
1929. As I will show throughout this site, this is wrong.. A geneological approach to the New Deal must include The
Massachusetts Board of Railroad Commissioners Reportof
1871. It must include the Eastern Rate Case of 1910, out of which
emerged the Taylor Society. This latter was organized by the lead
attorney in the case, Louis D. Brandeis. And it also must include
the experiences of the War Industries Board of WWI. In the midst
of the conservative reaction of the 1920s the Taylor Society
flourished. Here are some essential readings on the formation of
the the Keynesian elite. Taken as a whole, these texts are
manifestations of the network-power-discourse that constituted the
agency of Progressivism at full tide: 1. On the multiplier effect: proto-Keynesian discourse, circa 1871
2. The Eastern Rate Case: Evidence Taken by the Interstate Commerce Commission in the Matter of Proposed Advances in Freight Rates by Carriers, August to December 1910, Senate Doc. 725, 61 Cong., 3 Sess. FDR's 1936 campaign speeches Excerpt from Louis D. Brandeis, Vol. 8, pp. 4818-4820
David O. Ives, chairman of the traffic committee of the seaboard organizations Lawrence Miller Louis D. Brandeis to Robert Marion LaFollette, July 29, 191l. TS Bull. Feb.1917. Harlow Person, "The Manager, the Workman, and the Social Scientist : Their Functional Interdependence as Observers and Judges of Industrial Mechanisms, Processes and Policies" TS Bull. Dec. 1917. Felix Frankfurter comment on Person paper and a response to his critics Winfred L. Shaw, manager of planning dept., W.H.McElwain Co., to Felix Frankfurter, April 4, 1917 3. On planning: "Must Prosperity Be Planned?" Bulletin of the Taylor Society, February 1928 Cooke was active in the Brookwood Labor College (see Our labor movement today, by Katherine H. Pollak (Brookwood Labor Pamphlets, 1932, Conference for Progressive Political Action), and had an extensive correspondence with A. J. Muste, who played an important role in the Toledo Auto Lite Strike of 1934. Brookwood supplied a large number of its students into the fledgling UAW, including Victor Reuther . . . Cooke's "CIO" address to the TS (below: "Some Observations . . . ") and the Brookwood Labor College Pamphlet are part of the prehistory of the CIO and the UAW. 4. On industrial unionism: “Some Observations on Workers’ Organizations,” Bulletin of the Taylor Society, Feb 1929 Ordway Tead, "An Interpretative Forecast of the NRA: Is the Trend Toward Fascist or Socialized Self-Government?" Bulletin of the Taylor Society, August 1933 FF and FDR NewRepublic1932 Carmody papers ccs Auto Union Supports Martin by Big Vote (Aug 31, 1938 approx.) Lindahl Packard factionalism (describes "fasist" behavior) the Elder rreport Landon Beard Carmody Report on Tool and Die (MEMO by John M. Carmody, June 20, 1958) FDR FF on Leffingwell Cooke to Person 1953 Sweezy Notes, July 1938 *Anindya Bhattacharyya, "Notes on Nietzsche’s eternal recurrence." Daniel Chapelle, Nietzsche and Psychoanalysis (State University of New York Press, 1993) |
The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal State: Career Matrix
"Liberal Businessmen" Ezekiel
National Power Policy Committee (NPPC)
| CODE |
NAME |
CAREER VECTORS |
| MR |
Harold Ickes | Chicago Progressivism: Rosenwald-Crane-Merriman/People's Progressive League 1922/People's Traction Leaugge 1929-30/PWA 1933-39/NRC 1934-39 |
| TS-FF |
Morris L. Cooke |
Pinchot: Phila Public Works 1911-14/ WIB Depot Bd. 1917/U.S. Shipping Bd. 1918/N.Y. State Power Authority |
| FF-TS |
Benjamin V. Cohen |
Harvard Law 1916/U.S. Shipping Bd. 1917-19/PWA-NPPC/Leading legislative draftsman New Deal |
The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal State: Career Matrix
| CODE |
STATE FUNCTIONS |
CAREER VECTORS |
| infrastructure |
||
| Department of the Interior |
||
| MR |
Harold Ickes |
Chicago
Progressivism: Rosenwald-Crane-Merriman/People's Progressive League
1922/People's Traction Leaugge 1929-30/PWA 1933-39/NRC 1934-39 |
| TS |
Harry Slattery |
Pinchot Sec'y/N.Y. State Power Authority 1931 (TS)Fed. Emergency Admin. of Public Works 1933-38/REA-Nat. Power Policy Comm-NRPB |
| Oscar Chapman |
Chairman Colorado Progressive League/Costigan Partner 1929-33 |
|
| FF |
Nathan Margold |
Harvard Law School/NAACP |
| Public Works Admin. | ||
| MR | Harold Ickes | Chicago Progressivism: Rosenwald-Crane-Merriman/People's Progressive League 1922/People's Traction Leaugge 1929-30/PWA 1933-39/NRC 1934-39 |
| TS | Harry Slattery | Pinchot Sec'y/N.Y. State Power Authority 1931 (TS)Fed. Emergency Admin. of Public Works 1933-38/REA-Nat. Power Policy Comm-NRPB |
| HOUSING |
Horatio B. Hackett |
Architect
John Burnham & Co./Holabird & Root Architects/Chicago Venetian
Blind Co. Coat & Gross Inc. Contractors(all preeding
Chicago)/Thompson-Starrett Co. N.Y. Gen'l Contractors |
| National Power Policy Committee (NPPC) | ||
| MR |
Harold Ickes | Chicago Progressivism: Rosenwald-Crane-Merriman/People's Progressive League 1922/People's Traction Leaugge 1929-30/PWA 1933-39/NRC 1934-39 |
| TS-FF |
Morris L. Cooke |
Pinchot: Phila Public Works 1911-14/ WIB Depot Bd. 1917/U.S. Shipping Bd. 1918/N.Y. State Power Authority |
| FF-TS |
Benjamin V. Cohen |
Harvard Law 1916/U.S. Shipping Bd. 1917-19/PWA-NPPC/Leading legislative draftsman New Deal |
| Rural Electrification Admin. | ||
| TS-FF | Morris L. Cooke | Pinchot: Phila Public Works 1911-14/ WIB Depot Bd. 1917/U.S. Shipping Bd. 1918/N.Y. State Power Authority |
| John Carmody |
Clothing
Ind Cleveland 1914-23/U.S. Coal Comm 1922/ed. Factory and Ind Mgmnt
1927-33/Chief Engr CWA-FERA 1933-35/Nat Med Bd 1933-35/NLRB 1936-39/REA
1936-39/Fed Works Ag 1936-41 |
|
| Tenessee Valley Authrity |
||
| TS-FF | David Lilienthal |
Harvard
Law 1923/Richberg (law practice): Chicago Progressivism 1923-26/Chicago
Law Practice 1926-31/ed. Public Utilities and Carrier Services
1926-31/LaFollette |
| Federal Power Commission |
||
| Frank R. McNinch |
Charlotte N.C. Mayor 1917-21/World Power Conference 1935/Special Asst. Attny Gen'l 1939-46 |
|
| TS-FF | Basil Manly |
U.
of Chicago Pol. Sci 1909-1910/U.S. Comm. on Ind. Rel. 1913-15/FTC
1918/Nat. War Lab. Bd. 1918-19/People's Legislative Service
1921-27/N.Y. State Power Authority 1932-33 |
| labor & human capital |
||
| Works Progress Admin. |
||
| Federal Emergency Relief Admin |
||
| Civilian Conservation Corp (CCC) |
||
| strategic planning |
||
| Nat'l Resources Planning Bd. |
||
| Dept. of Agriculture |
||
| credit & housing |
||
| Fed Reserve |
||
| SEC |
||
| Dept of Treasury |
||
| Fed Home Loan Bank Bd. |
||
| Home Owners Loan Corp |
||
| Fed savings & laon insurance Corp |
| "The Origins of the "Welfare State": The Keynesian Elite and the Second New Deal, 1910-1936" (manuscript, 1987) |
U.S. Political Economy by Sector, 1910 to 1939
input-output matrices: capital formations and the two-party system
s
s
s
s
s
s
Eastern Rate Case: Shippers Association, 1910
Figure 8a. Eastern
Rate Case: Shippers
Association, 1910: Chicago subset
Mass Consumer-Oriented Firms
Mass Consumer-Oriented Firms
Retail Sears, Roebuck Marshall Field & Co. Mandel Brothers B. Kuppenheimer Montgomery Ward Siegel, Cooper & Co. G.W. Shelton & Co. Clothing Hart,
Shafner, & Marx
Rosenwald & Weil, Inc. The Hub (Henry C. Lytton & Sons) Charles A. Stevens & Brothers Percival B. Palmer & Co. Warren Featherbone Millinery, Gloves, Hats, Hosiery Bush Hat Co. Chicagao Mercantile Co. Joseph N. Eisendrath Co. Parrotte, Beals & Co. C.D. Osborn Co. Shoes Wilder
& Co.
Guthman, Carpenter, & Telling Co. Smith-Wallace Shoe Co. The Rice and Hutchins Chicago Co. Selz, Schwap & Co. R.P. Smith & Sons & Co. Food & Related Southern
Cotton Oil Co. (Wesson Oil)
Booth Fisheries National Biscuit Co. Nordyke and Marmon Co. (flour and cerial milling machinery) Beech-Nut Packing Sprague, Warner & Co. (flavoring extracts, preserves, beverages) |
Food & Related, cont. Steel-Wedeles Co. (importing, jobbing & mfg. of grocieries and kindred) W.M. Hoyt Co. Frankln MacVeagh & Co. Oerlich & Laux, Inc. Charles B. Ford & Co. (butter, eggs, poultry--brokers and wholesalers) W.T. Rawleigh Co. (veterinary and pultry preparations) E.B. Millar & Co. (tea, coffie--importing and mfg) Libby, McNeil, & Libby Decatur Brewing Co. Thomson & Taylor Co. (coffee, spices--mfg for jobbers) Reid, Murdoch & Co. (coffee, pickles, peanut butter) Rueckheim Bros. & Eckstein (candy, crackerjacks) United Cerial Mills (Washington Crisps, Egg-O-See, Toasted Corn Flakes) Soap & Related James
S. Kirk
Packaging
& PaperFrigid Fluid Co. The Fairbanks, N.K. Co. Darling & Co. Globe Rending Pacific Coast Borax Co. Fitzpatrick Bros. Soap Humel
& Downing Co.
Sanfod Mfg. Co. The Paper Mills' Co. J.W. Butler Paper Co. |
SOURCE: Evidence Taken by the Interstate Commerece Comission in the Matter of Proposed Advances
in Freight Rates by Carriers, August to December 1910, Senate Doc. 725, 61 Cong., 3 Sess., Vol. 1 pp. 6-15
| Thermidor: some movies worth seeing Intruder in the Dust (1949) Edge of the City (1957) Blackboard Jungle (1955) All That Heaven Allows (1955) Revolutionary Road (1961) |
Figure 8b. Eastern
Rate Case: Shippers
Association, 1910: Chicago subset
Mass Housing Supply Firms & Diversified Capital Goods
Mass Housing Supply Firms & Diversified Capital Goods
Mass Housing Supply Industries U.S.
Cast Iron Pipe & Foundry James B. Clough
Kewanee Boiler Crane Co. H. Mueller & Co. Illinois Malleable Iron Co. Joseph T. Ryerson & Son Devoe & Reynolds Adams & Elting Co. George S. Mepham & Co. Hibbard, Spencer, Bartlett & Co. American Lumberman Lumber World Review Morgan Sash & Door Chicago House Wrecking Co. John V. Farwell Co. (wholesale furniture, carpets, etc) Union Furniture Balkwill & Patch Furniture Co. Inc. W.W. Kimball Co. (pianos, etc.) Lyon & Healy, Inc. (pianos, etc.) Tonk Manufacturing (piano benches) Foley & Williams (sewing machines, supplies, pianos) The Brunswick Balke Collendar Co. Chicago Portrait Co. Pitkin & Brook, Importers, Mfg and Distributors (china, glass, lamps) M. Paulman & Co. |
Diversified Capital Goods, Esp. Agricultural Implements International
Harvster
Deere & Co. Emerson-Brantigam Co. R. Herschel Manufacturing Co. Rock Isoand Plow Co. Star Mfg. Co. Link-Belt Co. Smith Mfg. Co. Williams, White & Co. Whiting Foundry Equipment Co. Whitman & Barnes Co. (twist drils & reamers) The Delaval Seperator Co. Griffin Wheel Co. Galena Sigal Oil Co. Other General
Chemical Co.
Lehigh Valley Railroad Peabody Coal Inland Steel |
in Freight Rates by Carriers, August to December 1910, Senate Doc. 725, 61 Cong., 3 Sess., Vol. 1 pp. 6-15
FDR vs. the Slave Power
| Roosevelt and Frankfurter: their correspondence, 1928-1945, annotated by Max Freedman (Little, Brown, 1967), pp. 282-83 The following memorandum by Frankfurter, as Roosevelt recognized and indicated, was a historic document, for it showed that Roosevelt knew he would have trouble with the Congressional leaders of his party as early as the summer of 1935. The memorandum destroys the myth that the divisions in the Democratic party became serious only because of the court-packing fight and the attempt to purge uncooperative Democrats like Senators George and Tydings. Memorandum
The White House, July 10, 1935
Last night, after a
very delightful dinner on the South Porch, the President asked
Ferdinand Pecora and me into his study in the Oval Room. He said
he had a nasty little problem—a row between Senator Tydings, Chairman
of the Senate Investigating Committee now examining conditions in the
Virgin Islands, and Secretary Harold Ickes. The latter had sent an
irate letter to Tydings charging him with unfairness in the conduct of
the investigation. Tydings had replied with acerbity. There
are involved several personalities—a constituent of Tydings, a Judge, a
former Congressman, and Senator Pat Harrison who has taken up the
cudgels for Tydings. Pat Harrison has enlisted the support of
Senator Joe Robinson, and these Democratic leaders are asking for the
scalp of Ickes. The President said Ickes is hot-tempered and
impulsive and all that and treats Congressmen and Senators with
brusqueness; but he is very valuable and the President refuses to let
him go.
And then, the President, after ruminating on the situation, said, “Moreover, at bottom, the leaders like Joe Robinson, though he has been loyal, and Pat Harrison are troubled about the whole New Deal. They just wonder where the man in the White House is taking the old Democratic party. During their long public life, forty years or so, they knew it was the old Democratic party. They were safe and when Republicans got into trouble, the old Democratic party won nationally. But in any event they, and in the South without opposition, were all right and old-fashioned. But now they just wonder where that fellow in the White House is taking the good old Democratic party. They are afraid there is going to be a new Democratic party which they will not like. That’s the basic fact in all these controversies and that explains why I will have trouble with my own Democratic party from this time on in trying to carry out further programs of reform and recovery. I know the problem inside my party but I intend to appeal from it to the American people and to go steadily forward with all I have.” Frankfurter noted that he read his minutes of this conversation to the President, who asked Frankfurter to keep the memorandum because of its "historic value.” —————————————————————————————————————————— Memorandum FDR to FF
The White House, March 2, 1936
(b) I wish you and
Lasswell would try to work up a list of those smaller, independent
business men -- say fifteen or twenty -- whom I could invite to
Washington. I know of no way of getting up such a list. . . . .
(d) I hope to have a talk with Lincoln Filene. I saw him the other day for a miinute but only with a group. Please ask him if he can come down a little later on. —————————————————————————————————————————— FF to "friend," September 25, 1936, a copy of which was shown to FDR.
If American history means
anything it means that Presidents, on the whole, are the expression of
the convergence and conflict of dominant forces . . . . I hold
fast to the proposition that what matters in politics is the direction
to which impetus is given, and what determines impetus is very largely
the direction of the powerful forces that are enlisted on one side and
on the other. pp. 357-8
|
Figure 5. Taylor
Society, 1927: Mass
Distribution, input-output flows
Figure 6. Taylor Society, 1927: Mass Housing, input-output flows
Figure 7. Taylor Society, 1927: Machinery
Figure 4. The Taylor Society: Non-Mfg Organizations, 1927
| Strategic Elites: Institutions and Individuals |
Sectors of Realization/ Configurations of Capital |
Firms & Functions |
| See Elliot A. Rosen, Hoover, Roosevelt, and the Brans Trust: from Depression to New Deal Belmont, Baruch, Brookings, Lovett, Harriman (Columbia, 1977) for 1932 list |
Commodities in International Trade |
Tobacco, Cotton, Sugar, Corn, Wheat, Copper, Oil Shipping Legal Services Financial Services |
| National Civic Federation See Other People's Money, Pujo Committee, TNEC Morgan |
Securities Bloc |
Securities & Finance Legal Services Infrastructure (Railroads, Telephones, Electric Power, Urban Transportation) Primary Materials (Iron & Steel, Coal) Captive Capital Goods |
| Pollak Foundation The Taylor Society: elite non-manufacturing firms Filene's, Macy's, Bowery Savings Bank, Dennison Manufacturing |
Mass Consumption I: Mass Distribution & Mass Housing |
Mass Retailers Producer Services Real Estate Construction? |
| The Taylor Society: manufacturing firms | Mass Consumption II: Captive Production Inputs | |
| Twentieth Century Fund (founded by E. A. Filene) Committee for Economic Development Hiss List see Mark Mizruchi, The Fracturing of the American Corporate Elite (Harvard, 2013) |
Modern Machinery & Continuous Process Multinationals |
|
| Clinton Foundation Democratic Leadership Council Priorities USA Action: Contributors, 2016 cycle, $100,000 and above |
Post-modern Capitalism: 1. the Production of Subjectivities
2. Financialization |
|
| Provincial Elites | ||
| Mayberry Machiavellis The Price of Loyalty Arno Mayer, The persistence of the Old Regime : Europe to the Great War Michael W. Miles, The Odyssey of the American Right, 1980; The Kansas Experiment, New York Times August 5, 2015 |
Provincial Capital Formations |
Local Chambers of Commerce |
| Sodalities |
||
| Republican Gomorrah Seymour Hersch on Chicago p.d. Rita Johnson Bill Jenkins on Pontiac Ferguson, Mo. PD Staten Island D.A. Jackie Presser Barney Kluck on 1933 T&D strike | Sodalities/Patrimonialism ethnic, racial, religious, occupational | Police, Fire, Local Gov't, Local Services, Skilled Trades, Construction? |
| Patrimonial "Capitalism"? |
||
| Coers, Trump, Koch, Lind Piketty, Krugman, Adams, Weber, Randall |
Patrimonialism/Sodalities | the grand Herd is a coalition of little herds;the mob (pogrom/lynching?): electorates, constituencies, markets, hotels, casinos extractive industries (coal, oil, copper, etc. ) |