the Prehistory of Trump: from the origins of language to the end of print literacy in the United States
1. the  Fascist Assault on Congress: Data, Texts, and Contexts
Hitler is to Trump as tragedy is to farce
IndexAugust
h
Figure 0.  the Prehistory of Trump
in the context of figure 0 fascism is the least of our worries
Excerpts from Daniel Dor, Chris Knight, and Jerome Lewis, The Social Origins of Language (Oxford, 2014)

Introduction: Perspectives on the Evolution of Language in Africa, in The Cradle of Language, edited by Rudolf Botha, Chris Knight (Oxford, 2009)

Christian J. Emden, Nietzsche on Languge, Consciousness, and the Body (U. of Illinois, 2005).  This is an essential text (see excerpt)

Eckart Förster, The Twenty-Five Years of Philosophy: a Systematic Reconstruction (Harvard, 2012).  excerpt

 (Richard Lachmann, "Coda: American Patrimonialism: The Return of the Repressed” in Patrimonial Power in the Modern World, Julia Adams and Mounira M. Charrad, eds. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science,  2011:

Patrimonialism, until fairly recently, seemed an archaic social form, largely replaced by bureaucratic rationalism. That confident view of modernity, in the histories that Max Weber and his followers wrote, deserves to be challenged as patrimonial regimes reappear in states and firms throughout the world.

Michael Wolff, "The President Who Doesn't Read," The Atlantic, January 5, 2018):

“He didn’t process information in any conventional sense," Wolff writes. “He didn’t read. He didn’t really even skim. Some believed that for all practical purposes
he was no more than semi-­literate.”

"Afghan security forces’ wholesale collapse was years in the making," Washington Post, 8-16-21

"But perhaps the biggest hardship was having to teach virtually every recruit how to read. Kem estimated that only 2 to 5 percent of Afghan recruits could read at a third-grade level despite efforts by the United States to enroll millions of Afghan children in school over the previous decade.

'The literacy was just insurmountable,' he said in an Army oral-history interview. Some Afghans also had to learn their colors, or had to be taught how to count. 'I mean, you’d ask an Afghan soldier how many brothers and sisters they had and they couldn’t tell you it was four. They could tell you their names, but they couldn’t go ‘one, two, three, four.’”

Letter of Resignation from Matthew P. Hoh, Senior Civilian Representative, Zabul Province, Afghanistan, to Ambassador Nancy J. Powell, Director General of the Foreign Service and Director of Human Resources, U.S. Department of State, September 10, 2009

"If the history of Afghanistan is one great stage play, the United States is no more than a supporting actor, among several previously, in a tragedy that not only pits tribes, valleys, clans, villages and families against one another, but, from at least the end of King Zahir Shah's reign, has violently and savagely pitted the urban, secular, educated and modern of Afganistan against the rural, religious, illiterate and traditional.*  It is this latter group that composes and supports the Pashtun insurgency. The Pashtun insurgency, which is composed of multiple, seemingly infinite, local groups, is fed by what is perceived by the Pashtun people as a continued and sustained assault, going back centuries, on Pashtun land, culture, tradtions and religion by internal and external enemies."

Arno J. Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution in Europe, 1870—1956 (Harper Torchbooks, 1971):

"Wars  . . . whose mainsprings are essentially political and internal fail to acquire a well-defined project." p. 138

The Afghanistan Papers: A Secret history of the War, WAPO, By Craig Whitlock  Dec. 9, 2019 re. patrimonialism; Occam's razor; Chimpanzee Politics (de Waal); despotic regimes: SOOL

Michael Wolff's "Afghanistan" Papers: the Trump trilogy (Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House (2018); Siege: Trump Under Fire (2019);  Landslide: the Final Days of the Trump White House (2021))

Lyndal Roper on Q-Anon: Lyndal Roper, Witch Craze: Terror and Fantasy in Baroque Germany (Yale, 2004):

"The hatred and terror that drove people to such violence were shaped by social tensions and religious beliefs, but the passions themselves derived from deeply rooted fantasies, extravagent in their evocation of demonic lovers and Satanic revels.  These fantasies shared, for the most part, a standard structure and a similar set of primary themes." p. 7 (see Herding Primates: Semiotic Regimes and the Two-Party System.)

from Friedrich Nietzsche (KGW VII/3, 55 [35]), quoted in Christian J. Emden, Nietzsche on Language, Consciousness, and the Body (University of Illinois Press, 2005), p. 80

That which separates me most thoroughly from the metaphysicians is: I do not agree to their view that is it the “I” which thinks: rather, I take the “I” itself to be a mental construction, which is of the same category as “matter,” “thing,” “substance,” “individual,” “purpose,” “number”: therefore as a merely regulative fiction according to which we project some kind of permanence . . . onto a world of becoming.

Roth,
Nietzsche (Twilight of the Idols, Penguin, 1968, p. 49) on MSNBC's rhetorical performativity:

"The so-called 'motive': another error.  Merely a surface phenomenon of consciousness, an accompaniment to an act, which conceals rather than exposes the antecedentia of the act."

Daniel Dor, “The Instruction of Imagination,”  in The Social Origins of Language (Oxford, 2014)

Current discourse on human experiencing tends to ignore the privacy of experience for a very good theoretical reason: much of the discourse has emerged as a counter-reaction to the solipsistic view of human experiences based on Cartesian philosophy, and has thus systematically highlighted the intersubjective nature of human experiencing—the primacy of the interpersonal over the intrapersonal.  p. 108

In order to understand language, then, I suggest that we have to abandon both the Kantian dictum, the foundational presupposition of the cognitive sciences, that all human experiences comply with a universal interpretive scheme, and the neo-Kantian conviction, the foundational presupposition of most of the social sciences, that the members of every culture and sub-culture experience the world in the same ways.  We have to begin with the acknowldgement that each human individual lives in a private, experienctial world which is different from that of the others, and is inaccessible to them.  p. 109

*Darrin M. McMahon, Enemies of the Enlightement: the French Counter-Enlightenment and the Making of Modernity (Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 48-52; Mary Vincent, "The Spanish Church and the Popular Front: the experience of Salamanca province," in Martin S. Alexander and Helen Graham, eds., The French and Spanish Popular Fronts (Cambridge University Press, 1989)

what about Marx? (beiser vs. althussar
f
nn  Covid USA

Reported cases per 100,000 residents by county (7-day average), New York Times, 8-15-21

The concept of a biocultural niche* deployed.  The map on the far right, The American Nations Today, provides a context for looking at this map of CovidUSA. The GOP, acting as a biocultural lens, focuses the full fury of the Delta variant on the Deep South and Greater Appalachia.  (also: Vaccine hesitancy by county. A fantastic resource--look at it by county and by zipcode, esp. zipcode.  Use this together with the Association of Religuous Data Archives, state data.  Also: New York Times map and data.  Also: COVID-19 is spreading fast among Texas’ unvaccinated. Here’s who they are and where they live. Texas Tribune August 3, 2021.  Rural schools shut down to keep COVID-19 from overwhelming their small communitiesTexas Tribune August 19, 2021)
map from: American Nations: A History of the Eleven
Rival Regional Cultures of North America by Colin Woodard (Penguin, 2011)

The chickens coming home to roost: the GOP liquidates its base
Oh what a tangled web we weave . . .            
Sadism is the Inner Logic of GOP Performativity

"Vaccine Hesitance" is a  Moment in the Unfolding of
The Lacan-Atater Signifying Chain (the Sado-Sexual Eigenvector of GOP performativity)

The Lacan-Atwater Signifying Chain and the Fall of Afghanistan

Texas anti-abortion law
is a  Moment in the Unfolding of The Lacan-Atater Signifying Chain (the Sado-Sexual Eigenvector of GOP performativity)

Martyn Lyons, A History of Reading and Writing In the Western World (PalgraveMacmillan, 2010)

 9. The Reading Fever, 1750-1830 Everyone in Paris is reading . . .  People read while riding in carriages  or taking walks . . . Women, children, journeymen and apprentices read in shops.  On Sundays people read while seated at the front of their houses; lackeys read on their back seats, coachmen up on their boxes, and soldiers keeping guard.

10. The Age of the Mass Reading Public Between the 1830s and the First World War . . . a mass reading public came into existence.

11. New Readers and Reading Cultures The half century between the 1880s and the 1930s was the golden age of the book in the West. . . . Between the 1830s and the First World War . . . a mass reading public came into existence.


h




the UAW (Unity Caucus*):
Bildungsproletarians and Plebeian Upstarts:
Intersubjectivity, Shared Intentionality, and the Extended Mind uu
the UAW, 1933-1943: a working notebook
the absent masses
three ratios
a. plebeian upstarts

1. the Joe Adams ratio:       10.6%
2. the Charlie Yaeger ratio:  7.2%


b. bildunsproletarians: 0.1 %, or ≈ one in a thousand:

Dodge Main: 2 ratios (21,894 members in fall 1939)

n=13 (0.06%). Meeting of the Chrysler executive boards and shop
                      committees, Nov. 7, 1939

n=34 (0.16%). Emergency Meeting of Chrysler Executive Boards and 
                        Shop Committees October 8, 1939


c. the Paul Silver/John Anderson triangulation: locals 410, 238, and 350


dd

Trump in the Tank, July 20, 2017
a diological, cognitive-developmental assessment in relation to the four UAW diological performances at the right

To understand the present situation the meeting in the tank of July 20, 2017 and  and the mob assault on the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021 must be contextualized.  Figure 0 does this.  The Tillerson quote--"he's a fucking moron"--was the Secretary of State's pithy summary of Trump's cognitive performance at that meeting. 

A close reading of chapter 9, "Shocking the Conscience," can be found here.  The chapter in its entirety can be found here.

The most striking aspects of the Tank meeting, as reported in A Very Stable Genius, are the primitive cognitive performativity of president Trump, his brutish behavior toward the Joint Chiefs, and the inability of the Joint Chiefs themselves--apparently--to understand what was happening in the Tank. ( . . . Because something is happening here but you don't know what it is . . .)

And now Michael Wolff's Trump Trilogy* provides an even closer look at Trump's cogitive performativity, including assessments by those who worked with him.  So far, Wolff is the only writer who gets it: something is happening.  That something can be understood only in the context of figure 0. from the origins of language to the end of print literacy in the United States: the Prehistory of Trump.  
*Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House (2018); Siege: Trump Under Fire (2019);  Landslide: the Final Days of the Trump White House (2021)




the UAW as discursive arenas: four dialogical performances

a. Minutes, Murray Body Committee Local 2 at Executive Board Meeting, April 26, 1939, Toledo, Ohio (Addes Collection, Box 14.11)

b. Meeting of Chrysler Executive Boards and Shop Committees
              November 7, 1939, Schiller Hall, Detroit (Zaremba Box 4)

c. Interview with Joe Bidinger Midland Steel). Detroit east side September 1975)

d. Interview with Saul Welman (CP, Spain, Flint & Detroit)



*from Charles Yaeger (Buick: Flint) Oral History transcript (Skeels), pp. 11-12

Finally the CIO group, the Addes and Reuther forces in the union at that time, called a special convention with the blessing of the parent CIO in Cleveland, and there we organized what became the UAW-CIO.

We attended the Cleveland Convention [March 27, 1939], and it was there that the union was born after all this factional problem.  Then, of course, we had to go back and reorganize the plants because as much as the International was torn asunder the locals were, too.  We took over the local union with(in) our unit of the old amalgamated [Local 156], which became [local] 594.  We took it over with about 7,000 people working in the plant and 503 or 504 members.  This was all the membership we had.  We did not have the union. [7.2]%





Fraser on Hillman
Lichtenstein, V. Reuther on Reuther
Schiller in Barnow
Zelnick/Kanatchikov
Soldiers in the Prol Rev
S.A. Smith
Beiser, The Romantic Imperative:the Concept of Early German Romanticism


modernist sensibilities


interview with Joe Adams
(Dodge Main, Trim Department, Local 3), interview conducted around 1975-76:

“My background on unionism.  Mostly it was like on my dad with the newspaper socialism.  He believed in socialism.  He used to sit there and talk.  I had seven brothers, and hell, the old man used to sit down.  He was a pretty intelligent guy, like the Reuther boys we used to listen to the old man.”

“Religion was a bunch of bullshit.  As a statesman Reuther got to be where he went to some church and just went there once in a while just to make it look good, but shit when he died he [they] let nobody near him—any of them—godddamn rabbis or preists or ministers, he felt the same way about all of them there like [Roy] and him, up your bunhole, just burn it and get the hell over with it.  That’s the way I feel about it.”

 “There are a nucleus of people in any organization that make all organizations function.  I don’t care what you say.  You can have a million members and there can be fifty of them that makes the UAW function, which is what happened there for the last thirty five years.  The Reuthers, the Woodcocks, myself.  You know when a guy like me brings in 250,000 members into this goddamn union he has to have a semblance of some intelligence.  he just can’t go out and say ‘I’m an organizer’.  In Patterson NJ there was 32,000 people in Wright Aeronautical, and I got 23,000 votes out of them people for the UAW.”





something is happening, and you don't know what it is
We are now engulfed in the implosion of neo-liberal "society."  The term "society" is bracketed because, in the conventional use of the term, an ontological stability is implied, whereas in reality this society is in the process of blowing its brains out, and that along four axes of ontological catastrophe:

•First, the disintegration of the cognitive performativities of modernity itself: the "human" side of "capital." Decognification, disindividuation: Trump's rhetorical performances seen from the standpoint of literacy and cognition as contingent not normative cultural-historical developments.  Thus, Figure 0. from the origins of language to the end of print literacy in the United States: the Prehistory of Trump.

•Second, the explosion of fascist performativities within the orbit of the GOP (Robert O. Paxton, Anatomy of Fascism: "The legitimation of violence against a demonized internal enemy brings us close to the heart of fascism.").   The brutishness in language and behavior that are the chief characteristics of Trump's mass-oriented performances must be understood as manifestations of something of great ontological significance.  The sado-sexual eigenvector of “Trump” performativities goes back to the Know-Nothing roots of the GOP (Gniepp), later 19th century anti-immigrant and anti-Catholic political rhetoric, the lynching for rape discourse, the southern strategy, and the infamous Willie Horton episode in George H.W. Bush’s 1988 campaign.  Trump's performance coming down the stairs ("They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists.") and the plaint of one of his supporters ("He’s not hurting the people he needs to be hurting") should be placed in this broader context.  Nietzsche's concept of ressentiment (the inner logic of GOP sado-sexual rhetorical performativity).  The paranoid-schizoid position (Klein).  Fascism and racism.  Fascism and patrimonialism.  Fascism reconsidered as a theoretical construct. 

•Third, the assault on rational-bureaucratic institutions--i.e., an assault on the very idea of science-based professionalism and public service.  Max Weber's concept of patrimonialism covers the phenomena labeled as "corruption" in the currrent history of the Trump "administration".  Food for thought: Can the Trump regime be considered as a griftocracy* (Melville, The Confidence Man; Steve Fraser, Every Man a Speculator (HarperCollins, 2005).  Is grift a necessary part of patrimonialism?  Perhaps not.  See Jo Van Steenbergen, A History of the Islamic World: Empire, Dynastic Formations, and  Heterogeneities in Pre-Modern Islamic West-Asia (Routledge, 2021):  patrimonial regimes fostering the development of rational-bureaucratic institutions.

•Fourth, the triumph of nihilism as the socio-cultural engineering project of global corporate networks of unimaginable reach and power, generating an entropic process of disindividuation.  Mass consumption as a mode of absorption and transformation of the organism.  The fiction of freedom, the subversion of individuation, the inner logic of addiction, the commodification of distress, the infantilization of public discourse . . . in short, the dissipation of the species homo sapiens sapiens into a proliferation of effects.  DSM-V as the operating manual of the post-human ontology.  The incredible shrinking self.  This is the new Democratic party  whose rhetorical vector is liberal not progressive (the triumph of commerecial republicanism over the civic republicanism of the New Deal).*

*Harold Mah, Enlightenment Phantasies: Cultural Identity in France and Germany, 1750-1914 (Cornell, 2003).  In a nutshell: civic republicanism incorporates a concept of bildung; commerial republicanism does not.)
Fraser on HIllman
modernist sensibilities

from the Ed Lock interview (CP, Schiller Hall, UAW Local 600)

I was very active in MESA --- Ford in USSR  petered out in March of 1933, and I was laid off.  Several months later I found employment in a job shop as a milling machine operator.  I got signed up in the MESA, that was a unionized plant. The  job didn't last long. 

In that period I would hang out at the MESA hall, Schiller Hall on Gratiot Ave. . .  It was very much a Left hall.  I became very interested in union . . .  I was very young, 20 yrs old.  My father was AFL, a ship carpenter, but I didn't assimilate much from him.  But I became very interested in the MESA, and one of the characteristics of the time was that large numbers of radicals of all descriptions--IWW, Communist, Socialist . . . would come to this hall, and we would sort of sit around and have big bull discussions with the old timers from the IWW and the Communists and whoever was there . . .  We would all participate in these discussions, each of them would bring their literature round . . . I got involved so to speak, I was unemployed, but I would still go because I found these meetings fascinating, and I would participate in the distribution of leaflets.

I would go out with some of the leaders, and go with John Anderson or John Mack, who was a leader at that time.  I went to--not so often to Fords--but I went to the Cadillac plant, Ternstedt, places like this, and GM, and would distribute organizational . . . I got involved in the Detroit Stoveworks strike . . .  The MESA had undertaken the organization there and had a bitter strike there.  A matter of fact I had guns put in my ribs in this strike threatening to kill us.  But this was part of my education in the trade union movement.




Racism, Fascism,and Patrimonialism
j
click here for full text

the KKK in Packard, circa 1942
jj

Preferment of Charges against Frank Buehrle by Kurt Murdock, President of
PACKARD LOCAL U.A.W.-C.I.O. #190, held at the local Headquarters of the
Local at 6100 Mt. Elliott Avenue, in the City of Detroit, Michigan.
 April 3rd, 1942, at 7:30 P.M.



The election of Donald Trump can be viewed in the context of PISA Math Scores.   (See the PISA Results: Evolutionary, Historical, Developmental, and Psychological Perspectives for sources, key texts, and comments.)

PISA Math Scores is an effect of cultural-historical developmental processes, of which schooling itself is only one of several key inputs affecting the cognitive and cultural development of situated organisms (not Cartesian selves).  PISA Math Scores is about the history and fate of the Enlightenment and of print literacy.  It is also about processes of production, not only of goods and services, but of human beings themselves.

PISA Math Scores are artifacts of the post-paleolithic development of the primate homo sapiens--of culturally, historically, and politically-based developmental differentiation and divergence that is regressive as well as progressive, pathological as well as creative.

The sharp decline in the scores of Korea, Finland, Netherlands, Belgium, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States suggests that the late twentieth and early twenty first centuries are where two lines of development--sociotechnical advance and cognitive regression--clash.  Capitalism--at least advanced capitalism--requires advanced minds. Narcissistic regression--the culture of consumption (see Hall et. al., Criminal Identities and Consumer Culture)--undermines the very possibility of advanced cognitive development.  (Steve Jobs article) 

The emergence of the intellectual cadre essential to our present civilization is neither normative nor inevitable.  Logical-scientific thinking (formal operational competence) on a mass scale is very recent (Flynn), unevenly distributed (Engeström), and now appears to be in decline.

The media's failure to comment on these data is itself a part of the larger picture.

(But see Michael Wolff's Trump Trilogy)


PISA Math Scores, 2003 to 2018:
21 Developed
Nations & 4 East Asian City-States
(SHMC)

H
note 1.   . . . several limitations in the data used in non-response-bias analyses submitted by Hong Kong (China) and the United States.  see"inexplicable anomalies"


In the progressive view, it is assumed that cognitive development is linear, ultimately realizing the goal is the Enlightenment trope of the rational individual in a market economy.  This is wrong on two points.  It fails to account for the persitence and renewed strength of ressentiment (racism and all its cognates; the election of Donald Trump); and it fails to account for the triumph of regressive narcissism--the nihilism of which Nietzsche spoke--the psychological side of mass consumption in the post-modern era.

Capitalism builds on two fundamentally opposed human processes: 1. the discipline, deferred gratification, and sublimation that is the
sine qua non of cognitive development, and 2. an entropic drive emergent out of the proliferating appetites and desires of a population driven by increasingly complex psychological needs, stimulated and expressed in the marketplace.  These appetites and desires of postmodern capitalism gnaw away at the potential for self-discipline that is central to cognitive development. 

The media penetration of the nooks and crannies of everyday life, its orchestration of desire, its deployment of demons and heroes, its influence on reconfiguring the reference points for self-discipline, has yet to be appreciated, for it is not only as a theater of desire that the media functions.  The media also provides powerfully influential models of language use and cognitive processing for a large subset of the population.  (See Bronfenbrenner's bioecological model here.)

In Nietzsche two formulations of "nihilism": a literary-cultural formulation of despair at the loss of values; and a clinical formulation that might be called reverse Bildung: the unwinding of higher-level organizational structures and practices linked to cognitive development, self-discipline, and capacity for strategic planning: nihilism as entropy.  See Dupre for a concise expression of this.  Mass consumption, regressive narcissism (Hall) the highest stage of nihilism conceived of clinically.  This is the triumph of capitalism.  Organization at the level of capital; but entropy at the level of culture. 

It is too soon take make definitive statements--another two PISA evaluations in 2018* and 2021 would tell us a lot--but the picture so far is consistent with this concept of an inner decay of the very foundations of modern society.  The emergence of the intellectual cadre essential to our present civilization is neither normative nor inevitable.  Logical-scientific thinking (formal operational competence) on a mass scale is very recent (Flynn) and unevenly distributed (Engeström).  And now, with the election of Donald Trump, we can expect a range of policies that will drive U.S. cognitive performance even lower, possibly beyond the point of no return--possibly we are already there* (see Finnish Lessons).



PISA Math Scores, 2003 to 2018: 18 Anglo-European Nations

a
see"inexplicable anomalies"
Problems with the U. S. Data:
Political (2006) and "Technical" (2018)

"The Origins of the "Welfare State": The Keynesian Elite and
the Second New Deal, 1910-1936" (manuscript, 1987)


Keynesian Elite: Notes 
Keynesian Elite: Appendices

KE2019
The New Deal and Capitalism (fragments)
Urban Economics and Real Estate: Theory and Policy (re. Stanback and Complex of Corporate Activities, pp. 66 - )
North American Industry Classification System  
Standard Industrial Classification
Hiss List 
DLC List 

---
Elites: Strategic and Otherwise
U.S. Political Economy by Sector, 1910 to 1939
Keynesian Elite in the New Deal State
Keynesian Elite: Matrix
Keynesian elite as a plane of immanence (Deleuze)
the Clinton Foundation




Figure 2. intersubjectivity, shared intentionality,
and the Extended Mind:
 The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal state
hh
Source: "Membership List, May 1927," in the Morris L. Cooke Papers, box 66,
FDR Library; and United States Government Manual 1937

for more info on Fig.2 click on Keynesian Elite: Career Matrix;
also: the
Papers of John M. Carmody
Joanna Bockman. Markets in the Name of Socialism: The Left-Wing Origins of Neoliberalism (Stanford University Press, 2011): three reviews

MEMO Ben Cohen to Leon Henderson, June 12, 1939
MEMO Corwin Edwards to Leon Henderson April 12, 1939
FF to FDR 11-21-34 re. Leffingwell
j
click here for full text






Semiotic Regimes: the two-party system as discursive field

 . . . .

N. Semiotic Regimes: the two-party system as discursive field Semiotic%20regimes2021


ee
Semiotic Regimes (2021)












on racism and the longuee duree: The Imus Brouhaha and that which is called "Racism" (April 4, 2007)
theater of resentiment
ressentiment and the mechanisms of defense (AE 3.2)
the stupid party (Stupid%252520PartyTWO.html-->this is good))
st.party link to modern pedagogical theory; stupid party, earlier version
Nietzsche redux (and what about Marx?)











This site is a rhizome
The site as a whole recognizes that the Internet is the techno-cognitive axis of a praxiological revolution in thought, where the extended mind is fused with philosophy as the critical accompaniment to empirical practice.

This site is a rhizome.  Its principle of production is transcendental empiricism.  (see also philosophy and history). 

from John Marks, Gilles Deleuze: Vitalism and Multiplicity (Pluto Press, 1998)

The rhizome is a figure borrowed from biology, opposed to the principle of foundation and origin which is embedded in the figure of the tree.  The model of the tree is hierarchical and centralized, wheas the rhizome is proliferating and serial, functioning by means of the principle of connection and heterogeneity.

Deleuze and Guatarri argue that the book has been linked traditionally to the model of the tree, in that the book has been seen as an organic unit, which is both hermetically sealed, but also a reflection of the world.  In contrast, the rhizome is neither mimetic nor organic.  It only ever maps the real, since the act of mapping is a method of experimenting with the real: and it is always an open system, with multiple exits and entrances.  In short, the rhizome is an 'acentred' system; the map of a mode of thought which is always 'in the middle'. p 45


"Texts" and "data" coexist in a plane of immanence governed by consilience, attunement, and affinity.  The Brandom-Sellars observation is borne in mind:

" . . . according to Sellars's view, the difference between theoretical objects and observable objects is methodologcal rather than ontological.  That is, theoretical and observable objects are not different kinds of things.  They differ only in how we come to know about them."*

Concepts are not brought in from outside the phenomenological field, but rather emerge immanently.  Concepts are not meant to subdue the empirical material, but to illuminiate it.**

*from Robert B. Brandom, "The Centrality of Sellars's Two-Ply Account of Observations to the Arguments of 'Empiricism and the Philosophy of Mind', in Robert B. Brandom, Tales of the Mighty Dead: Historical Essays in the Metaphysics of Intentionality (Harvard University Press, 2002)
**see the critique of the U of C study here.











American Fascism







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The Sado-Sexual Eigenvector of GOP Performativity



Cognitive Development
Semiotic Regimes November 2019

The Sapient Paradox 

the PISA Results: Evolutionary, Historical, Developmental, Psychological

Developmental Divergence 

1-dev diverg

SemioticRegimes.html (intelligible,  coherent)

American Exceptionalism: Education without Development
(an assessment of the cognitive performativity of the rhetoric of reform.  Comparison of the cognitive performativity evident in the PISA reports with the rhetoric of educational reform in the United States suggests that the educational reformers themelves suffer from strategically disabling cognitive limitations.)

The President Who Doeesn't Read




Elites

II.  U. S. official resigns over Afghan war  
Foreign Service officer and former Marine captain says he no longer knows
why his nation is fighting, by Karen DeYoung, Washington Post, October 27, 2009
letter of resignation  

excerpt from letter: (note the central place of a traditional vs. modern conflict in this passage.  Emphasis added.)
 
"If the history of Afghanistan is one great stage play, the United States is no more than a supporting actor, among several previously, in a tragedy that not only pits tribes, valleys, clans, villages and families against one another, but, from at least the end of King Zahir Shah's reign, has violently and savagely pitted the urban, secular, educated and modern of Afganistan against the rural, religious, illiterate and traditional.  It is this latter group that composes and supports the Pashtun insurgency. The Pashtun insurgency, which is composed of multiple, seemingly infinite, local groups, is fed by what is perceived by the Pashtun people as a continued and sustained assault, going back centuries, on Pashtun land, culture, tradtions and religion by internal and external enemies."

a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
Afghanistan I
"Deceptions and lies: What really happened in Afghanistan," Washington Post, 8-10-21

The interviews and documents, many of them previously unpublished, show how the administrations of Presidents George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump hid the truth for two decades: They were slowly losing a war that Americans once overwhelmingly supported. Instead, political and military leaders chose to bury their mistakes and let the war drift, culminating in President Biden’s decision this year to withdraw from Afghanistan, with the Taliban more powerful than at any point since the 2001 invasion.

Afghan security forces, despite years of training, were dogged by incompetence and corruption WAPO

Key WAPO page


U. S. official resigns over Afghan war:
Foreign Service officer and former Marine captain says he no longer knows why his nation is fighting
by Karen DeYoung, Washington Post, October 27, 2009

letter of resignation  

excerpt from letter: (note the central place of a traditional vs. modern conflict in this passage.  Emphasis added.)
 
"If the history of Afghanistan is one great stage play, the United States is no more than a supporting actor, among several previously, in a tragedy that not only pits tribes, valleys, clans, villages and families against one another, but, from at least the end of King Zahir Shah's reign, has violently and savagely pitted the urban, secular, educated and modern of Afganistan against the rural, religious, illiterate and traditional.  It is this latter group that composes and supports the Pashtun insurgency. The Pashtun insurgency, which is composed of multiple, seemingly infinite, local groups, is fed by what is perceived by the Pashtun people as a continued and sustained assault, going back centuries, on Pashtun land, culture, tradtions and religion by internal and external enemies."




Afghanistan II
from Arno J. Mayer, The Persistence Of The Old Regime : Europe To The Great War (Pantheon Books, 1981)

Scholars of all ideological persuasiions have downgraded the importance of preindustrial economic interests, prebourgeois elites, predemocratic authority systerms, premodernist artistic idioms, and 'archaic' mentalities.  They have done so by treating them as expiring remnants, not to say relics, in rapdily modernizing civil and politial societies. They have vastly overdrawn the decline of land, noble and peasant; the contraction of traditional manufacturing and trade, provincial burghers, and artisanal workers; the derogation of kings, public service nobilities, and upper chambers; the weakening of organized religion; and the atrophy of classsical high culture.   p. 5

As for the class formations of this precorporate entrepreneurial capitalism, the owners of small workshops were the backbone of the indepenedent lower middle class.  In turn, proprietors of medium-sized as well as larger plants, especially in textiles and food processing, constituted a bourgeoisie that was predominantly provincial rather than national and cosmopolitan. This bourgeoisie including commercial and private bankers, acted less as a socal class with a comprehesive political and cultural project than as an interest and pressure group in pursuit of economic goals.  (20)


Arno J. Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution in Europe, 1870—1956 (Harper Torchbooks, 1971.  Emphasis added.)

Clauswitz does not see war as a continuation of diplomacy--that is, of interstate relations--by other--that is, violent means.  Significantly, he invariably opts for the comprehensive concept of politics, which subsumes diplomacy, thus leaving open the possibility that recourse to war can be not only influenced but, in some instances, even determined by internal political considerations.  p. 136

Here, then, is the paradox.  Whereas wars whose motivation and intent are primarily diplomatic and external retain their political purposes, as conceived by Clauswitz, those whose mainsprings are essentially political and internal fail to acquire a well-defined project." p. 138

As for wars of primarily partisan and internal dynamic, they are decided by political actors and classes whose political tenure and social position tend to be insecure and whose latttiude for foreign policy decision tends to be circumscribed.  Precisely because their internal influence and control are tenuous, these actors and classes are inclined to have recourse to external war which, if successful, promises to shore up ther faltering positions. . . .  at the outset even the minimal external objectives  of wars that are sparked internally have a tendency to be singularly ill-defined.  p. 138




on the origins of the Iraq war


Wars "whose mainsprings are essentially political and internal fail to acquire a well-defined project."

"As for wars of primarily partisan and internal dynamic . . . . at the outset even the minimal external objectives of wars that are sparked internally have a tendency to be singularly ill-defined."

Rationale for the Iraq War, From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Throughout late 2001, 2002, and early 2003, the Bush Administration worked to build a case for invading Iraq, culminating in then Secretary of State Colin Powell's February 2003 address to the Security Council.[5] Shortly after the invasion, the Central Intelligence Agency, Defense Intelligence Agency, and other intelligence agencies largely discredited evidence related to Iraqi weapons and, as well as links to Al Qaeda, and at this point the Bush and Blair Administrations began to shift to secondary rationales for the war, such as the Hussein government's human rights record and promoting democracy in Iraq.[6][7] Opinion polls showed that the population of nearly all countries opposed a war without UN mandate, and that the view of the United States as a danger to world peace had significantly increased.[8][9][10] UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan described the war as illegal, saying in a September 2004 interview that it was "not in conformity with the Security Council."[11]

Accusations of faulty evidence and alleged shifting rationales became the focal point for critics of the war, who charge that the Bush Administration purposely fabricated evidence to justify an invasion it long planned to launch.[12]


comment: Foreign policy in this case is a function of internal domestic political considerations, not the rational calculations that would flow from "diplomatic and external" considerations.  War in this case is a tool used by conservative elites in the mass mobilization of the forces of ressentiment, and whose purpose is above all political theater.

Thurston Clarke, JFK's Last Hundred Days (Penguin, 2013), and Bill Minutaglio and Steven L. Davis, Dallas 1963 (Twelve, Hatchett Book Group, 2013)Understanding our Asian wars (Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan) depends on understanding the Kennedy assassination.