XXX
From the New Deal to Donald Trump Black Lives Matter
Elementary particles and associated comments, lists,
transcripts, remembrances of things past (civic republicanism 1933-1943: Bildung + חֻצְפָ), cog nitive
regimes,
intersubjectivity and shared intentionality, proximal processes,
biocultural niche (Schiller Hall, Fox News, MSNBC), cognitive performativity*, paranoid-schizoid position
(the sado-sexual eigenvector of “Trump” performativities: ressentiment
and the mechanisms of defense), the
depressive position ("liberalism": nihilism, nietzsche, and you), the
lynching for rape discourse, herding primates: semiotic regimes,
patrimonialilism and the fundamental incompetence** of the Trump regime. fascism.
Deep structure of
ressentiment and the precarious cultural-historical achievements of
“civilization”: defining barbarism (while being mindful of James C.
Scott’s discussion of the “barbarians” in Against the Grain: A Deep History of the Earliest States (Yale, 2017)).
The collapse of a civilization in the context of advanced capitalism;
regression to primate; collapse of cognitive performativity across the board by one
order of magnitude* in post-Fordist USA; the journalism of disintegration ( Who Killed the Knapp Family? NYT 1-9-20); hapless liberalism . . . and more.
patrimonial bacchanale: wholesale
destruction of the rational-bureaucratic organizations of government. Trump's covid 19 response explained.
* see Measures of Cognitive Performativity The
gap between Obama and Trump is two orders of magnitude. Cognitive
performativity is context-dependent (as Ceci speculated twenty years
ago). Emotional overload short-circuits complex thought. More.
Also see Proximal Processes.
** the fundamental incompetence of the Trump regime . . . more later
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the evolutionary context of Trump's response to COVID 19
Brain Plasticity and biocultural niche
index2020A
index2020B
Kant
indexJuly2020
index2020Julre. the cognitive performativity of the trump biocultural nichey8
indexZora
Fascism 3
FascismTWO
Fascism/Patrimonialism
Fascism 4
Fascism concept
Fascism history
IndexNEW
Index2020
IndexNEW2
IndexNEW3
IndexOctober2020
indexOctober28
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Figure 1. intersubjectivity and shared intentionality
the extended mind of the Unity Caucus (UAW)
(Bildung + חֻצְפָ)

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evolutionary context
from T. D. Price and G. M. Feinman, Chapter 1, “Social Inequality and the Evolution of Human Social Organization”, in Pathways to Power: New Perspectives on the Emergence of Social Inequality (Springer, 2010)
In a very real sense, human society over the last 100,000 years or more
may have been characterized by a fundamental tension between relations
based on dominance, hierarchy, and kin altruism (part of our primate
heritage) and new capacities for social cognition, cultural learning,
alliance building, and cooperation, whether the latter behaviors were
learned or part of recently acquired innate tendencies (Boehm 2000,
Stone 2008: 79, Tomasello et al. 2005).
excerpts from Daniel Dor, Chris Knight, and Jerome Lewis, The Social Origins of Language (Oxford, 2014). Read these excerpts before continuing.
Eli Zaretsky's "The Mass Psychology of Trumpism" (London Review of Books, 18 September 2018) should also be read immediately. It's about 13 paragraphs.
The President Who Doesn't Read: on the cognitive-linguistic gulf between oral and print culture
"He’s not hurting the people he needs to be hurting"
aggression, violence, and cruelty in humans
from It’s Just Too Much’: "A Florida Town Grapples With a Shutdown After a Hurricane, New York Times, 1-7-19.
I voted for him, and he’s
the one who’s doing this,” an employee of the Federal prison in the
Florida Panhandle said. “I thought he was going to do good things. He’s not hurting the people he needs to be hurting.
two commentaries on Victor Nell, "Cruelty’s rewards: The gratifications of perpetrators and spectators," Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, 211–257
1. from Mika Haritos-Fatouros, “Cruelty: A dispositional or a situational behavior in man?” Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, p.230
The basic question remains,
however: How far are aggression, violence, and cruelty in humans today
the result of predisposition factors, or biological or archetypal
processes, and how far are they the result of cognitive/emotional
processes evoked by situational factors?
2. from Albert Bandura, “A murky portrait of human cruelty,” Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, p. 225
At the macrosocial level,
Nell greatly exaggerates the prevalence of human cruelty. There
exist wide intercultural differences representing both warring and
pacific societies with large intracultural variations and even rapid
transformation of warring societies into peaceful ones.
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Figure 2. intersubjectivity and shared intentionality
The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal state
(Bildung + חֻצְפָ)

Source: "Membership List, May 1927," in the Morris L. Cooke Papers, box 66,
FDR Library; and United States Government Manual 1937
for more info on Fig.2 click on Keynesian Elite: Career Matrix;
also: the Papers of John M. Carmody
Joanna Bockman. Markets in the Name of Socialism: The Left-Wing Origins of Neoliberalism (Stanford University Press, 2011): three reviews
MEMO Ben Cohen to Leon Henderson, June 12, 1939
MEMO Corwin Edwards to Leon Henderson April 12, 1939
FF to FDR 11-21-34 re. Leffingwell |
Prelude to Trump: the Civil War in the UAW
Figure 1.
The UAW (Unity Caucus): Bildungsproletarians and Plebeian Upstarts,
1933-1943: Detroit and the lower great lakes.
(Bildung + חֻצְפָ)

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United States Population Density, 2000
Midwest Auto Parts, 2006
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Patrimonialism and Fascism
Randall Collins, "Patrimonial Alliances and Failures of State
Penetration: A Historical Dynamic of Crime, Corruption, Gangs, and
Mafias," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 636, July, 2011.
Jane Schneider and Peter Schneider, "Mafia, Antimafia, and the Plural Cultures of Sicily." Current Anthropology, Vol. 46, No. 4 (August/October 2005), pp. 501-520
Patrimonialism* in action: Marie Yovanovitch says State Department 'being hollowed out from within' (UPI November 15, 2019):
Moreover,
the attacks are leading to a crisis in the State Department as the
policy process is visibly unraveling, leadership vacancies go unfilled,
and senior and mid-level officers ponder an uncertain future and head
for the doors. The crisis has moved from the impact on individuals to
an impact on the institution.
from Richard Lachmann, "Coda: American Patrimonialism: The Return of the Repressed” in Patrimonial Power in the Modern World, Julia Adams and Mounira M. Charrad, eds. (Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 2011)
Patrimonialism, until
fairly recently, seemed an archaic social form, largely replaced by
bureaucratic rationalism. That confident view of modernity, in the
histories that Max Weber and his followers wrote, deserves to be
challenged as patrimonial regimes reappear in states and firms
throughout the world.
Patrimonial regimes: primate roots? signal evolution and the social brain
*Paul Krugman. "Review: ‘The Economics of Inequality,’ by Thomas Piketty" (NYT Aug 2, 2015) |
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from Immanuel Kant to Donald Trump
"Thoughts without intuitions are empty; intuitions without concepts are blind."
"Philosophy always arrives too late . . . . The Owl of Minerva takes flight only as the dusk begins to fall."
"Hegel
remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages
appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as
tragedy, the second time as farce."
History without philosophy is only a screen on which to project the shibboleths of our time.
Hitler is to Trump as tragedy is to farce.
"I'm a very stable genius."
Henry Somers-Hall and Levi R. Bryant in Deleuze Two
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the prime directive: beware of the Cartesian presuppositional matrix
Focusing
on the person of the Chief Executive and his various performative
moments obliterates the bio-cultural dimensions of history. The brutishness in
language and behavior that are the chief characteristics of Trump's
mass-oriented performances must be understood as manifestations of
something of great ontological significance. To understand this,
thinking must first emancipate itself from the Cartesian
presuppositional matrix--the ontological presupposition of
the Cartesian self and its associated rhetorical elements of
consciousness, belief, motive, ideology and interest. Failure to
do so has the effect, a priori,
of blocking conceptualization of questions of ontology, agency,
intentionality, habitus, networks and contexts. The crude
Cartesianism of mainstream (corporate) media short-circuits
thinking. The main value of such media is to serve as a foil
against which we match our wits and develop our (biocultural and deeply historical) minds.
from Lambros Malafouris, How Things Shape the Mind (MIT Press, 2013):
"Escaping from our Cartesian prison requires more than a change in our academic language games."
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Philosophy and History
Gilbert Simondon Page
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on "conspiracy theory"
(a cognate of fascism/racism)
Umberto Eco, The Prague Cemetary (Mariner Books, 2012), pp. 39, 78-9, 101-105, 265, 341-2, 374
from F. Nietzsche, On Truth and Lies in a Nonmoral Sense
A mobile army of metaphors,
metonyms, and anthropomorphisms—in short, a sum of human relations
which have been enhanced, transposed, and embellished poetically and
rhetorically, and which after long use seem firm, canonical, and
obligatory to a people: truths are illusions about which one has
forgotten that this is what they are; metaphors which are worn out and
without sensuous power; coins which have lost their pictures and now
matter only as metal, no longer as coins.
Christian J. Emden, Nietzsche on Language, Consciousness, and the Body (University of Illinois Press, 2005)
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violence, aggression and cuelty
two commentaries on Victor Nell, "Cruelty’s rewards: The gratifications of perpetrators and spectators," Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, 211–257
1. from Mika Haritos-Fatouros, “Cruelty: A dispositional or a situational behavior in man?” Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, p.230
The basic question remains,
however: How far are aggression, violence, and cruelty in humans today
the result of predisposition factors, or biological or archetypal
processes, and how far are they the result of cognitive/emotional
processes evoked by situational factors?
2. from Albert Bandura, “A murky portrait of human cruelty,” Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, p. 225
At the macrosocial level,
Nell greatly exaggerates the prevalence of human cruelty. There
exist wide intercultural differences representing both warring and
pacific societies with large intracultural variations and even rapid
transformation of warring societies into peaceful ones.
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Figure 3. U.S. Political Economy by Sector, 1910 to 1939
input-output matrices: capital formations and the two-party system

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Figure 4a. PISA Math Scores, 2003 to 2018:
21
Developed Nations & 4 East Asian City-States (SHMC)
note
1. . . . several limitations in the data used in
non-response-bias analyses submitted by Hong Kong (China) and the
United States. see"inexplicable anomalies"
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This
page uses figurative elements, including graphs, tables,
charts,
and maps, to advance an analysis of the historical trajectory: the New Deal to Donald Trump. The
rule governing this page is to think in terms of these graphemes,
which form a set of synthetic a prioris. In certain cases a
text is made to function as a grapheme. The Lacan-Atwater
Signifying Chain is one such a case. Another is the Freud-Jamieson Black Hole of Liberalism.
They are also elementary particles. That is, they are the
building blocks of intelligibility within a hermeneutical modus
operandi. This may be what Deleuze means by transcendental
empiricism, which is consistent with Hegel's notion of the concrete
universal. Also Alexander Luria's The Making of Mind: Hermeneutical intelligibility vs. nomothetic explanation.
The first three graphemes
❖ The UAW: Bildungsproletarians and Plebeian Upstarts
❖ The Keynesian Elite
❖ Sectors of Capital
provide a necessary framework and point of departure for dealing with
the historical trajectory in question: from the New Deal to Donald Trump.
The next two graphemes
❖ PISA math scores, 2003-2018
❖ The Lacan Atwater Signifying Chain
deal
with cognitive and emotional processes.
Such processes are central to human existence. The brutishness in
language and behavior that are the chief characteristics of Trump's
mass-oriented performances must be understood as manifestations of
something of great ontological significance.
The sado-sexual eigenvector of “Trump” performativities goes back to
the Know-Nothing roots of the GOP (Gniepp), later 19th century anti-immigrant
and anti-Catholic political rhetoric, the lynching for rape discourse,
the southern strategy, and the infamous Willie Horton episode in George
H.W. Bush’s 1988 campaign. Trump's performance coming down the
stairs ("They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re
rapists.") and the plaint of one of his supporters ("He’s not hurting
the people he needs to be hurting)"
should be placed in this broader context.
insert Jablonka: primate
On the sado-sexual eigenvector of the right, see see RMF; Imus; the Stupid Party; Zaretsky
Now we are witness to a patrimonial bacchanale and the wholesale
destruction of the rational-bureaucratic
organizations of government that continues unabated. This degree
Deep structure of
ressentiment and the precarious cultural-historical achievements of
“civilization”: defining barbarism (while being mindful of James C.
Scott’s discussion of the “barbarians” in Against the Grain: A Deep History of the Earliest States (Yale, 2017)).
The collapse of a civilization in the context of advanced capitalism;
regression to primate; collapse of cognitive performativity across the board by one
order of magnitude; the journalism of disintegration (Who Killed the Knapp Family? NYT 1-9-20. Hapless liberalism)
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Figure 4b. PISA Math Scores, 2003 to 2018:
18 Anglo-European Nations

see"inexplicable anomalies"
Problems with the U. S. Data:
Political (2006) and "Technical" (2018)
from 2018 PISA vol. I, Annex A 4
a few countries’
data failed to meet critical standards or presented inexplicable
anomalies, such that the Adjudication Group recommends a special
treatment of these data in databases and/or reporting.
The remarks that follow
are speculative. Apparently 1. a set of schools is initially
selected to take the test. 2. Not all nations met the
minimum participation rate of 85% (U.S. participation rate was
65%). 3. Other schools were selected to replace them, and
the resulting participation rate for the U.S. of 76% failed to meet the
85% threshold but met the lower standard of 65%. Until we can see
the initial set of U.S. schools selected, the subset of those schools
that were selected but failed to participate, and the new set of
schools that were chosen to replace those that “failed” to participate,
we have no idea what kind of skulduggery, if any, was involved.
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the whole question posed above:
Deep structure of
ressentiment and the precarious cultural-historical achievements of
“civilization”: defining barbarism; The collapse of a civilization in the context of advanced capitalism;
regression to primate; collapse of cognitive performativity by one
order of magnitude; the journalism of disintegration (Who Killed the Knapp Family? NYT 1-9-20. Hapless liberalism)
The Social Origins of Language (Oxford, 2014). Editors: Daniel Dor, Chris Knight, and Jerome Lewis: excerpts
"Niche construction and semiosis: biocultural and social dynamics." Sinha
"The co-evolution of human intersubjectivity, morality, and language." Jordan Zlatev
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Donald Trump: the Last Ten Million Years

From the Sapient Paradox to Donald Trump:
the Guttenberg Parenthesis and the Flynn effect
The Last 100,000 Years

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the performative complex of the Southern strategy
from Dan T. Carter, From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994 (Louisiana State U. Press, 1996), pp. 8-9.
The
depth of Wallace’s racism—the degree to which it was part of his core
beliefs—was always unclear. He sometimes manifested an air of
apologetic cynicism; when forced to break away from informal gatherings
because of a speaking engagement, he would often turn to his friends
and ask to be excused with a sheepish grin and a half-embarassed
explanation: “I got to give ‘em a little nigger talk.”
Seymour Wolfbein, a Labor Department expert in the Kennedy administration, was convinced it
was all an act. . . . Wolfbein found Wallace fascinating and
amusing, but hardly sinister, a kind of roguish political con man eager
to let him in on the joke.
When confronted with the question of whether Wallace was “sincere” in
his racial views, a Montgomery attorney who knew the governor well said
it best. “If George had parachuted into the Albanian countryside
in the spring of 1962,” reflected John Kohn, one of Wallace’s advisers
in the 1960s, “he would have been head of the collective farm by
harvesttime, a member of the Communist Party by midwinter, on his way
to the district party meeting as a delegate by the following year, and
a member of the Comintern in two or three years.” George, said
Kohn, “could believe whatever he needed to believe.”
Wilmington's Lie: The Murderous Coup of 1898 and the Rise of White Supremacy
Republican Gomorrah
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the performative complex of the Southern strategy
Fyodor Dostoevski, Notes from Underground
Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness
Sinclair Lewis, Elmer Gantry
Wilbur Cash, The Mind of the South
Lillian Smith, Killers of the Dream
Tara Westover, Educated
from F. Nietzsche, The Geneology of Morals, III, 14:
Here
the works of vengefulness and rancor swarm; here the air stinks of
secrets and concealment; . . . and what mendaciousness is
employed to disguise that this hatred is hatred! What a display
of grand words and postures, what an art of "honest" calumny!
from Joseph E. Lowndes, From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism (Yale Univesity Press, 2008)
Politics
is not merely the realm where preexisting interests, grievances, and
passions are given expression. Rather, it is in and through
politics that interests, grievances, and passions are forged and new
collective identities created. Backlash, the ideological
cornerstone and justification for modern conservatism, masks what was a
long-term process whereby various groups in different places and times
attempted to link racism, anti-government populism, and economic
conservatism into a discourse and institutional strategy through
linguistic appeals, party-building, social movement organizing, and the
exercise of state power. In the process, the very interests and
self-understanding of these groups were continually under construction
as they moved from coalition to collective political identity. As
opposed to being entrenched and traditionalist (or reactionary,
depending on one's politics), the Right that developed is better
viewed as contingent, mobile, and highly adaptive, constantly
responding to changing conditions on the ground. 4-5
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the cognitive and emotional dimensions of the
historical trajectory the New Deal to Donald Trump
In
order to deal with the cognitive and emotional dimensions of the
historical trajectory the New Deal to Donald Trump, it is necessary to
assemble the literature indespensible for an understanding of what is
happening. Cognitive Modalities: a Summary of Sources, and
Cognitive-linguistic Cardinality: the Quantum Heterogeneity of Dasein
summarize the cognitive side of this set of texts. The first of
these--Cognitive Modalities--enables a serious analaysis of Donald Trump's
cognitive performativity. Throw-away comments such as Trump
speaks like a fourth-grader don't cut the mustard. Others refer
to his oral style of thought and speech, but do not bring to bear the
relevant work, most notably Walter J. Ong's Orality and Literacy.
In The President Who Doesen't Read I have assembled a few excerpts from
key scholarly works and related media stories bearing on the question of orality
and literacy. Figure 0.1. From the Sapient Paradox to Donald
Trump: the Guttenberg Parenthesis and the Flynn effect, provides one
context for assessing the historical significance of the Trump
phenomenon.
Many have commented on the cognitive performativity of the candidate
and then the President, but don't take seriously the historicity, fragility,
and reversibility of cognitive development as a cultural-historical
phenomenon.
Figures 4a and 4b reveal the effect of cultural-historical developmental processes, of which
schooling itself is only one of several key inputs affecting the
cognitive and cultural development of situated organisms (not Cartesian
selves). Cognitive development is not a normative, inevitable
process (Wolf, Dupre). Nor is it a solely ontogenetic process: the contextual and embedded
character of mind; the social character of mind and agency; and
the institutional and historical contexts of cognitive performativity must be borne in mind. (Jan Derry, Vygotsky, Philosophy, and Education, Wiley, 2013, pp. 17, 24).
This site situates the cognitive performativity denoted by “Trump” in
the context of recent work in archeology on the origins of
language. this is the governing principle that generated the page
The President Who doesn't Read.
Cognitive development is
an effect of history and politics, as well as
evolution, and can suffer reversal or collapse. This indeed is
what is happening, and on a colossal scale. Figures 4a and 4b
suggest that a
catastrophic decline in cognitive performativity preceded and made
possible the fascist-patrimonial
victory of November 2016. And now the “technical” issues related
to the 2018 U.S. results suggest that, had the school selection process
been up to standard, the 2015-2018 leg of the U.S. score might well
have continued its downward plunge. Thus, the apparent
improvement may actually masks a more serious deterioration of
cognitive performativity, and is accompanied by the patrimonial
corruption of the institutions that conduct these tests. What happened to the Department of State is happening everywhere. Mafia principles govern.
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The Trump Problematic: Part A, Cognitive Processes. Decognification: The President Who Doesn't Read
Excerpt from Anonymous, A Warning (WAPO, 11-7-19)
I
am not qualified to diagnose the president’s mental acuity,” the author
writes. “All I can tell you is that normal people who spend any time
with Donald Trump are uncomfortable by what they witness. He stumbles,
slurs, gets confused, is easily irritated, and has trouble synthesizing
information, not occasionally but with regularity. Those who would
claim otherwise are lying to themselves or to the country.
David A. Graham, "The President Who Doesn't Read," The Atlantic, January 5, 2018
Ironically, it was
the publication of a book this week that crystallized the reality of
just how little Donald Trump reads. While, like many of the tendencies
described in Michael Wolff’s Fire and Fury,
Trump’s indifference to the printed word has been apparent for some
time, the depth and implications of Trump’s strong preference for oral
communication over the written word demand closer examination.
“He didn’t process information in any conventional sense,” Wolff
writes. “He didn’t read. He didn’t really even skim. Some believed that
for all practical purposes he was no more than semi-literate.”
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"Who’s Afraid of Arabic Numerals? Before there was a Western civilization, there was Islamic civilization." (NYT 6-4-19) This is a striking qualitative supplement to the quantitative results in Figs 1a and 1b.
"Reading Scores on National Exam Decline in Half the States," New York Times Oct. 30, 2019.
from Edward Frenkel And Hung-Hsi Wu, "Republicans Should Love 'Common Core'. National standards can revive the way we teach math and science," Wall Street Journal, 5-6-13
Mathematical education in the U.S. is in deep crisis. The World
Economic Forum ranks the quality of math and science education in the
U.S. a dismal 48th. This is one of the reasons the 2010 report "Rising
Above the Gathering Storm" by the National Academies warned that
America's ability to compete effectively with other nations is fading.
. . . [The report refers to] the current lock-step march to the bottom of international
student performance in math and science.
Comment # 16 from "Math Gains Reported for U.S. Students" (NYT Dec 9, 2008)
I was raise
in France and lived in Singapore for few years with my 2 children (8
and 12). So I have a different perspective than most. An
anti-intelectual culture prevails in the US (Sarah Palin) when my kids
were in Singapore, they were highly interested in science and Math and
ranked high among their peers in the 2 topics, within 2 years after our
return to the US both kids lost all interest in Science and Math.
(signed) Nacer, Seattle
Maryanne Wolf, Reader Come Home: the Reading Brain in a Digital World (Harper, 2018), p. 152
. . . the Council on Foreign Relations issued a report in which
it stated with no ambiguity, “Large undereducationed swaths of the
population damage the ability of the United States to physically defend
itself, protect its secure information, conduct diplomcacy, and grow
its economy.”
from “Naval Collision Adds to Fears About U.S. Decline in Asia” (NYT 8-22-17)
"It drives home growing worries
about a competence deficit within American organs of power under the
increasingly besieged Trump administration,” said Richard Javad
Heydarian, a political analyst at De La Salle University in Manila.
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Figure 0.2. Donald Trump: the First Ten Million Years
the ‘sapient paradox’.
There seems to have been a long—in fact, inordinately long—delay
between the emergence of anatomically modern humans and our later
cultural flowering. Both genetic and archaeological evidence converge
on the conclusion that the ‘speciation’ phase of sapient humans
occurred in Africa at least 70 000–100 000 years BP, and possibly
earlier, and all modern humans are descended from those original
populations.*
the ‘tectonic’ phase.
This has been a period of greatly accelerated change, stepping
relatively quickly through several different levels of social and
material culture, including the domestication of plants and animals,
sedentary societies, cities and advanced metallurgy. It has culminated
in many recent changes, giving us dramatic innovations, such as
skyscrapers, atomic energy and the internet. The paradox is that there
was a gap of well over 50 000 years between the speciation and tectonic
phases. The acceleration of recent cultural change is especially
puzzling when viewed in the light of the hundreds of thousands of years
it took our ancestors to master fire, stone tool making and coordinated
seasonal hunting.**
In a very real sense, human society over the last 100,000 years or more
may have been characterized by a fundamental tension between relations
based on dominance, hierarchy, and kin altruism (part of our primate
heritage) and new capacities for social cognition, cultural learning,
alliance building, and cooperation, whether the latter behaviors were
learned or part of recently acquired innate tendencies (Boehm 2000,
Stone 2008: 79, Tomasello et al. 2005).***
* Colin Renfrew, "Neuroscience, evolution and the sapient paradox: the factuality of value and of the
sacred," Philos Trans R Soc Lond B Biol Sci. 2008 Jun 12; 363(1499): 2041–2047.)
** Merlin Donald, The sapient paradox: can cognitive neuroscience solve it?, in Brain. A Journal of
Neurology. First published online: 2 December 2008.
*** T. D. Price and G. M. Feinman, Chapter 1, “Social Inequality and the Evolution of Human Social
Organization”, in Pathways to Power: New Perspectives on the Emergence of Social Inequality (Springer, 2010)
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Two Sliding Scales, and the Deeps Roots of Patrimonialism
Juan Carlos Gomez, Apes, Monkees, Children and the Growth of Mind (Harvard University Press, 2004)
The
possibility that, at a reduced scale, the mind of an ape can be
upgraded by giving him, on the one hand, a regime of socally controlled
attention and interactive experiences with humans, and on the other, a
new, more explicit form of representing the world, would confer
dramatic support to the Vygotskian notion that higher cognition can be
created through cultural processes of develoment that change the nature
of cognitive ontogeny. (pp. 262-3)
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Merlin Donald, A Mind So Rare: The Evolution of Human Consciousness (W. W. Norton & Company, 2001)
. . . modern culture contains within it a trace of each of our
previous stages of cognitive evolution. It still rests on the same old
primate brain capacity for episodic or event knowledge. But it has
three additional, uniquely human layers: a mimetic layer, an
oral-linguistic layer, and an external-symbolic layer. The minds of
individuals reflect these three ways of representing reality. (p. 262)
Merlin Donald, "The mind considered from a historical perspective:
human cognitive phylogenesis and the possibility of continuing
cognitive evolution." In D. Johnson & C. Ermeling (Eds.) The Future
of the Cognitive Revolution (Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 360-61
Mimetic representations are evident in human children before they
acquire language competence. . . . They continue to be important in
adults, taking the form of highly variable social customs, athletic
skills, and group expressive patterns (such as mass demonstrations of
aggression or rejection).
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re. Donald Trump: the First Ten Million Years
two commentaries on Victor Nell, "Cruelty’s rewards: The gratifications of perpetrators and spectators," Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, 211–257
1. from Mika Haritos-Fatouros, “Cruelty: A dispositional or a situational behavior in man?” Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, p.230
The basic question remains,
however: How far are aggression, violence, and cruelty in humans today
the result of predisposition factors, or biological or archetypal
processes, and how far are they the result of cognitive/emotional
processes evoked by situational factors?
2. from Albert Bandura, “A murky portrait of human cruelty,” Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006) 29, p. 225
At the macrosocial level,
Nell greatly exaggerates the prevalence of human cruelty. There
exist wide intercultural differences representing both warring and
pacific societies with large intracultural variations and even rapid
transformation of warring societies into peaceful ones.
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The Trump Problematic: Part B, Emotional Processes
aggression, violence, and cruelty in humans
from
Mary Helen Immordino-Yang and Antonio R. Damasio, “We Feel, Therefore
We Learn: The Relevance of Affective and Social Neuroscience to
Education,” in Emotions, Learning, and the Brain: Exploring the Educational Implications of Affective Neuroscience (W. W. Norton & Company, 2015)
. . . learning is
dynamic, social, and context dependent because emotions are, and
emotions form a critical piece of how, what, when, and why people
think, remember, and learn. Intro, p. 17
In general, cognition and emotion are regarded as two interrelated aspects of human functioning. p. 36
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Flying Squadrons JB box 31
(re. Plebeian upstarts, Dodge Main, local 3: "anyone desiring to be
member of this body must be . . . agressive and miltant, and have an
understanding of the labor movement.")
JB 7-30-39/UAW Local 3 edition 7-26-39:
several score members of Dodge local 3 flying squadron, accompanied
by the/a local band, marched on GM picket line in Pontiac July 17
(T&D strike). The following morning, Maintenance workers of
Dodge local were given a hand in their organizational work by the squad
(Earl Reynolds on this
incident.). Despite rain, several 100 members were at the gates to
check dues receipts. . . This dues check will be repeated
in the future.
Bud Simon's account of his encounter with the Toledo Chevrolet plus members of the Toledo flying squadron (Robert Travis to "Chas.")
Although not apparent or intended at the time, my study of an eastside
Detroit UAW local turned out to be a study of the deveopment of this
relationship betwen bildungsorletaruans and plebs
Social Origins of Language
the Montgomery Bus Boycott
New Rochelle Jewish community caught inside coronavirus ‘containment zone’
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Consider
MSNBC. It can
only see isolated moments in the unfolding of this process of
patrimonialization--this or that instance of corrupt behavior--but not
the process as such (see Semiotic Regimes: the Two-Party System). In this regard remember Immanuel Kant’s admonition: intuitions without concepts are blind. The aversion to concepts such as patrimonialism and fascism in mainstream media discourse--that is, the aversion to formal operational thought--means
understanding is not possible.
Consider the implications of
the exclusion from media of the entire body of modern scholarship
relevant to achieving any dynamic, historical understanding of our current situation.* It is thus not just Donald Trump who talks like a fourth-grader.**
Although it is the relationship between Trump and his audience at his
rallies that is of significance, the MSNBC camerawork at these rallies
remains resolutely focused only on the President and whoever is
immediately behind him. They could show so much more—we could
learn so much more—if only . . .
* MSNBC has its historians, but their
performances are hagiographical, dwell on Cartesian minutia, and
approach the problematic of our current situation in terms of norms not
adhered to: Trump is not being presidential,
etc. But what is “Trump?” Phenomenologically, historically,
emotionally, and cognitively? Never the slightest attempt at
understanding. Never the deployment of the conceptual vocabulary
of the relevant scholarly texts and academic disciplines. Why is this? Semiotic Regimes: the Two-Party System attempts to answer or at least clarify this question about the nature of this segment of the public sphere.
** "children think in an organized logical fashion only when dealing with
concrete information that they can perceive directly. Their
mental operations work poorly with abstract ideas--ones not apparent in
the real world." Development Through the Lifespan, Laura E. Berk, 291 |
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Fascist Performativities? ---------->
Ressentiment and the Mechanisms of Defense is the Genetic
Ontology of Trump's Theatrics
Lee
Atwater has shown how the discursive and symbolic elements of the
Southern Strategy were generated through the construction of a
theatrical arena of the sado-sexual performativity that is the essence of the
GOP's mass appeal. Well before Trump, the evocation of evil and
the channelling of rage against a scapegoat was the stock-in-trade of
Republican politicians, who tapped into and gave expression to " . . .
a whole tremulous realm of subterranean revenge, inexhaustible
and insatiable . . . " (Nietzsche, Geneology of Morals, III. 14)
The rhetorical violence of Trump rallies, not ideology and policies, is
what is fundamental. The Trump performances--the audience, the
cultural-historical context, and Trump himself as a therapeutic object
with which the audience member can identify--become intelligible when
viewed through the prism of certain key concepts:
• Nietzsche's concept of ressentiment;
• psychoanalysis's concept of the mechanisms of defense;
• Wilbur Cash's concept of the proto-Dorian convention;
• the Lacan-Atwater Signifying Chain;
• and Robert Paxton's concept of redemptive violence.
On the right there are not issues, but postures, gestures, various
encodings of the same sado-sexual reflex (the inner logic of
racism). Rage enacted in a political-media theater of violence,
sadism, and revenge. The cruelty of it all is the most important
thing. The vicarious thrill, the “enthusiasm for inflicting pain,
suffering, or humiliation”(OED*): this is what is seen at Trump
rallies. The GOP's performative cadre are specialists in
herding hominids of a particular cultural-historical configuration (ressentiment). Hence the concept of semiotic regime.
*Oxford English Dictionary online, s.v. "Sadism" |
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the Lacan-Atwater Signifying Chain
from
Wikipedia:
(Lee
Atwater's Infamous 1981 Interview on the Southern Strategy)
As a member of the
Reagan administration in 1981, Atwater gave an
anonymous interview to political scientist Alexander P. Lamis. Part of
the interview was printed in Lamis's book The Two-Party South, then
reprinted in Southern Politics in the 1990s with Atwater's name
revealed. . . . Atwater talked about the Republican Southern Strategy
and Ronald Reagan's version of it:
Atwater:
As to the whole Southern strategy that Harry S. Dent, Sr. and others
put together in 1968, opposition to the Voting Rights Act would have
been a central part of keeping the South. Now you don't have to do
that. All you have to do to keep the South is for Reagan to run in
place on the issues he's campaigned on since 1964 and that's fiscal
conservatism, balancing the budget, cut taxes, you know, the whole
cluster.
Questioner:
But the fact is, isn't it, that Reagan does get to the Wallace voter
and to the racist side of the Wallace voter by doing away with legal
services, by cutting down on food stamps?
Atwater:
You start out in 1954 by saying, "Nigger, nigger, nigger." By 1968 you
can't say "nigger"—that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like
forced busing, states' rights and all that stuff. You're getting so
abstract now [that] you're talking about cutting taxes, and all these
things you're talking about are totally economic things and a by-product
of them is [that] blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously
maybe that is part of it. I'm not saying that. But I'm saying that if
it is getting that abstract, and that coded, that we are doing away
with the racial problem one way or the other. You follow me—because
obviously sitting around saying, "We want to cut this," is much more
abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract
than "Nigger, nigger."
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A Neo-Kantian Views the semiosphere
Kathleen
Hall Jamieson and Joseph N. Cappella reveal the incapacity of the
liberal discursive field (e.g., MSNBC, New York Times) to comprehend,
understand, or even simply observe the sado-sexual obsessiveness of
right-wing rhetorical performativity.
Why the vulgarity in this message does not alienate the churchgoing
conservatives in his audiences is a question for which we have no ready
answer.
But sado-sexual performativity is the very core of the GOP's modus operandi. Here (in this paragraph of Echo Chamber) it is sexual rhetoric that is primary. The sadistic core of the GOP's policy intiatives
Inside Wayne LaPierre’s Battle for the N.R.A. NYT 12-18-19 (patrimonialism)
the Elder Report (Elder is to Homer Martin as Michael Cohen is to Trump; patrimonialism)
Bert Harris (Fisher Body, Flint: pressdroom): UofM interview; Clliff Williams interview
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the Freud-Jamieson Black Hole of Liberalism
from Kathleen Hall Jamieson and Joseph N. Cappella, Echo Chamber: Rush Limbaugh and the Conservative Media Estabisment (Oxford Univeristy Press, 2008), p.p. 188-89. (Emphasis added.)
Limbaugh's
attempts at gender-based "humor" are of the locker room variety.
As the California gubernatorial recall was heating up, Limbaugh
informed his folowers that Leutenant Governor Cruz Bustamante--"whose
name loosely translates into Spanish for 'large breasts'--leads the
Terminator by a few pionts" (August 18, 2003). A photomontage on
the Limbaugh website shows a photograph of Schwartzenegger's head and
shoulders from his Pumping Iron days as a body builder. A naked
woman has been transposed onto his shoulders. Over her breasts is
a sign reading BUSTAMONTE. When Madonna endorsed General Wesley
Clark, Limbaugh reported that she had "opened herself" to him.
Why the vulgarity in this message does not alienate the churchgoing
conservatives in his audiences a question for which we have no ready
answer.
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