|From the New Deal to Donald Trump
||some elementary particles|
|Figure 1. The UAW: Bildungsproletarians and Plebeian Upstarts, 1933-1943:
Detroit and the lower great lakes
see list of interviews
|from Immanuel Kant to Donald Trump
, Delphi and Midwest Auto Parts
from Fed Reserve Bank Chicago
Figure 2. U.S. Political Economy by Sector, 1910 to 1939
input-output matrices: capital formations and the two-party system
see Elites: Strategic and Otherwise
The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal state
Source: "Membership List, May 1927," in the Morris L. Cooke Papers, box 66,
FDR Library; and United States Government Manual 1937
for more info on Fig.2 click on Keynesian Elite: Career Matrix
also: the Papers of John M. Carmody
Joanna Bockman. Markets in the Name of Socialism: The Left-Wing Origins of Neoliberalism (Stanford University Press, 2011): three reviews
Contextualizing 21st Century Politics: the sliding scale*
Figure 4. PISA Math Scores, 2003 to 2015:
21 Developed Nations & East Asian Cities and City-States
Guy at rally
Margaret Jacob re. Bildung: bildung and capitalism, and markets; and also vs. both.
Norm Bully and his father
donald trump may be in a class by himself
the Lacan-Atwater Signifying Chain
|Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy; and the Flynn effect
|A. Donald Trump as Performative Complex
|the consituting of cultural-historical bodies: the body Trump
I proceeded immanently, from within the cultural-historical discursive fields generated by KE New Deal and UAW Det and SE Mich
on human nature
on the cognitive-linguistic gulf between oral and print culture
December 2 1851, followers of President Louis Bonaparte (Napoleon's
nephew) broke up the Legislative Assembly and established a
dictatorship. A year later, Louis Bonaparte proclaimed himself Emperor
Frank Fagan and workers wanting him to drive a fancy car (Proto-Dorian convention/patrimonialism)
the mid-nineteenth century turn
Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852)
Christian J. Emden, Nietzsche on Language, Consciousness, and the Body (U. of Illinois, 2005)
Philippe-Joseph Salazar, "Reconnaissances of Marx", Philosophy & Rhetoric, Vol. 48, No. 4, 2015
Jerrold Seigel, Modernity and Bourgeois Life: Society, Politics, and Culture in England, France and Germany since 1750 (Cambridge, 2012)
|Progressivism and Liberalism are opposites, not twins. The genetic ontology of Progressivism is Bildung and the Will to Power; The genetic ontology of Liberalism is Nihilism. Today's liberalism is referred as the left, covering over the genetic-ontological transformation of the post-war years (see Hall et. al.) The New Deal is not represented in the above figure and table, The Two-Party System: Semiotic Regimes. Donald Trump is a result of this genetic-ontological transformation.||
Donald Trump and the sliding scale*
the Sapient Paradox
the Gutenberg Parenthesis
the Flynn effect
the Wolf premonitions
The possibility that, at a reduced scale, the mind of an ape can be upgraded by giving him, on the one hand, a regime of socally controlled attention and interactive experiences with humans, and on the other, a new, more explicit form of representing the world, would confer dramatic support to the Vygotskian notion that higher cognition can be created through cultural processes of develoment that change the nature of cognitive ontogeny. (pp. 262-3)
election result was decades in the making. On the one hand, a variety
of fascist and ultra-nationalist currents worldwide found fertile soil
in the displaced and discarded "white" populations that were the
enormous if unintended by-product of post-industrial capitalism's truly
explosive development. On the other hand, the FF-TS networks in Franklin D.
Roosevelt, which in its heyday (1935-1947) understood and attempted to
deal with this underlying dynamic of human capital liquidation and the
need for a global trading regime that was subservient to the objective
of national development--this party, over a period of decades, ceased
to be. (Block, Wolfe, Misruchi) Thermidor graphic
The remnants of that party of FDR (Bernie, Sherood Brown) were eliminated by the Clinton revolution--the taking over of the Democratic Party by the forces arrayed around the Democratic Leadership Council. In place of the social democratic orientation of yesteryear,and more, general systems orientation
The transformation of Porgressivism into Liberalism (Clark, Ehrenberg, Zaretsky)
we got globalization uber alles. In place of an appeal to working class needs and recognition of the life experience of working people, we got, in this election, an appeal to college-educated women, a variety of life-style groups, and minorities. Democratic surrogates and media talking heads actually showed contempt for those stupid white people who lived, for example, in my state of Michigan.
The polls were wrong because the ground had shifted (and the cartesian trap exposed).
But also consider the role played by the Democratic Party in producing this electoral result: In place of an appeal to working class needs and recognition of the life experience of working people, we got, in this election, an appeal to college-educated women, a variety of life-style groups, and minorities. Democratic surrogates and media talking heads actually showed contempt for those stupid white people who lived, for example, in my state of Michigan.
Racism is real but also mutable, a psychological resource exploited by right-wing politicians but dependent on context: globalization, and the failure of the Democrats to address this existential threat to my rust belt neighbors.
The four axes of ontological catastrophe can be placed in historical contexts. Instead of the great dream of the Enlightenment that was the core sensibility of Progressivism (the New Deal), Socialism (Scandanavian Social Democracy), and Communism, we have:
a. the wreckage not only of socialism but more broadly of Progressivism, of the entire cultural-historical self-formative project (Bildung) that grew out of the Enlightenment and gave us the Russian revolution, Scandinavian Social Democracy, and the American New Deal. Bildunsproletarians and plebeian upstarts
b. the persistence of the political culture, psychological dispositions and praxiological modalities of ressentiment (the inner life of racism and fascism)
c. the triumph of nihilism as the socio-cultural engineering project of global corporate networks of unimaginable reach and power, generating an entropic process of disindividuation. Mass consumption as a mode of absorption and transformation of the organism. The fiction of freedom, the subversion of individuation, the inner logic of addiction, the commodification of distress, the infantilization of public discourse . . . in short, the dissipation of the species homo sapiens sapiens into a proliferation of effects. DSM-V as the operating manual of the post-human ontology. The incredible shrinking self. This is the new Democratic party whose rhetorical vector is liberal not progressive
the Two-Party System: Semiotic Regimes
|1. pro- and anti-war demonstrators' signs
from CNN newscast, 4:00 to 6:00 PM, 9-15-07: pro- and anti-war demonstrators' signs (applying the concept of cognitive regime):
pro-war demo signs: "Traitors Go to Hell!"
"Deport Anti-war Protesters!"
anti-war demo signs: "End the War Now!""U.S. Out of Iraq!"
"Support the Troops! End the War!"
2. rabids vs. thoughtfuls
Analysis of comments sent to Connecticut Post, August 31, 2006 re. Jonathon Edington murder case (article no longer accessible)
the performative complex of the Southern strategy
*from Dan T. Carter, From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994 (Louisiana State U. Press, 1996), pp. 8-9.
The depth of Wallace’s racism—the degree to which it was part of his core beliefs—was always unclear. He sometimes manifested an air of apologetic cynicism; when forced to break away from informal gatherings because of a speaking engagement, he would often turn to his friends and ask to be excused with a sheepish grin and a half-embarassed explanation: “I got to give ‘em a little nigger talk.”
Seymour Wolfbein, a Labor Department expert in the Kennedy administration, was convinced it was all an act. . . . Wolfbein found Wallace fascinating and amusing, but hardly sinister, a kind of roguish political con man eager to let him in on the joke.
When confronted with the question of whether Wallace was “sincere” in his racial views, a Montgomery attorney who knew the governor well said it best. “If George had parachuted into the Albanian countryside in the spring of 1962,” reflected John Kohn, one of Wallace’s advisers in the 1960s, “he would have been head of the collective farm by harvesttime, a member of the Communist Party by midwinter, on his way to the district party meeting as a delegate by the following year, and a member of the Comintern in two or three years.” George, said Kohn, “could beieve whatever he needed to believe.”
the political construction of identity
from Joseph E. Lowndes, From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism (Yale Univesity Press, 2008)
Politics is not merely the realm where preexisting interests, grievances, and passions are given expression. Rather, it is in and through politics that interests, grievances, and passions are forged and new collective identities created. Backlash, the ideological cornerstone and justification for modern conservatism, masks what was a long-term process whereby various groups in different places and times attempted to link racism, anti-government populism, and economic conservatism into a discourse and institutional strategy through linguistic appeals, party-building, social movement organizing, and the exercise of state power. In the process, the very interests and self-understanding of these groups were continually under construction as they moved from coalition to collective political identity. As opposed to being entrenched and traditionalist (or reactionary, depending on one's politics), the Right that developed is better viewed as contingent, mobile, and highly adaptive, constantly responding to changing conditions on the ground. 4-5
A Mind So Rare, Table 7.1 p. 260
|from What are some examples of Kant's synthetic a priori knowledge?
Kant thinks that there lie in the human cognitive faculties certain forms which are necessary for things to become objects of our cognition. If this is true, then synthetic a priori judgments are possible, for since the forms are necessary for there to be any experience whatsoever, we know a priori, i.e. independently of any particular experience, that all objects will conform to these forms. That is, the objects will have all those properties that the forms impose on them. This Kant calls transcendental idealism."
Just so. Below--elaborating on Kant/Hegel--I present several graphemes that not by compulsion or immanent necessity, but rather by varied atttempts to construct usable "synthetic a priori": here are some of them. I call them elementary particles (ha ha)."