from the new deal to donald trump
We are now engulfed in is the implosion of neo-liberal "society." The term "society" is bracketed because, in the conventional use of the term, an ontological stability is implied, whereas in reality this society is in the process of blowing its brains out, and that along four axes of ontological catastrophe:
•First, the disintegration of the cognitive performativities of modernity itself: the "human" side of "capital." (decognification, disindividuation; Trump's rhetorical performances seen from the standpoint of literacy and cognition as contingent not normative cultural-historical developments.
•Second, the explosion of fascist performativities within the orbit of the GOP (Robert O. Paxton, Anatomy of Fascism: "The legitimation of violence against a demonized internal enemy brings us close to the heart of fascism."). Nietzsche's concept of ressentiment. This is the inner logic of GOP rhetorical performativity--its sado-sexual performtivity. The paranoid-schizoid position (Klein).
•Third, the assault on rational-bureaucratic institutions--i.e., an assault on the very idea of science-based professionalism and public service. Max Weber's concept of patrimonialism.
•Fourth, the triumph of nihilism (Nietzsche). Neoliberal subjectivity; the incredible shrinking self. The depressive position (Klein). Repressive desublimation (Marcuse). The Democratic Party's transformation (DLC, Cliinton Foundation (Domhoff).
(see The New Deal and the Question of Capitalism)
|Some Elementary Particles
"Thoughts without intuitions are empty; intuitions without concepts are blind."
"Philosophy always arrives too late . . . . The Owl of Minerva takes flight only as the dusk begins to fall."
"Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce."
History without philosophy is only a screen on which to project the shibboleths of our time.
Hitler is to Trump as tragedy is to farce.
|Figure 1a. U.S. Political Economy by Sector, 1910 to 1939
input-output matrices: capital formations and the two-party system
Figure 1b. The Keynesian Elite in the New Deal state
Source: "Membership List, May 1927," in the Morris L. Cooke Papers, box 66,
FDR Library; and United States Government Manual 1937
for more info on Fig.2 click on Keynesian Elite: Career Matrix
also: the Papers of John M. Carmody
Joanna Bockman. Markets in the Name of Socialism: The Left-Wing Origins of Neoliberalism (Stanford University Press, 2011): three reviews
|Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy; and the Flynn effect
|Figure 2. Bildungsproletarians and Plebeian Upstarts, 1933-1943
Detroit and the lower great lakes
|A. Donald Trump as Performative Complex
Figure 1. PISA Math Scores, 2003 to 2015:
21 Developed Nations & East Asian Cities and City-States
Donald Trump and the sliding scale
the Sapient Paradox
the Gutenberg Parenthesis
the Flynn effect
the Wolf premonitions
United States Population Density, 2000 Midwest Auto Parts, 2006
the Two-Party System: Semiotic Regimes
|1. pro- and anti-war demonstrators' signs
from CNN newscast, 4:00 to 6:00 PM, 9-15-07: pro- and anti-war demonstrators' signs (applying the concept of cognitive regime):
pro-war demo signs: "Traitors Go to Hell!"
"Deport Anti-war Protesters!"
anti-war demo signs: "End the War Now!""U.S. Out of Iraq!"
"Support the Troops! End the War!"
2. rabids vs. thoughtfuls
Analysis of comments sent to Connecticut Post, August 31, 2006 re. Jonathon Edington murder case (article no longer accessible)
the performative complex of the Southern strategy
*from Dan T. Carter, From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994 (Louisiana State U. Press, 1996), pp. 8-9.
The depth of Wallace’s racism—the degree to which it was part of his core beliefs—was always unclear. He sometimes manifested an air of apologetic cynicism; when forced to break away from informal gatherings because of a speaking engagement, he would often turn to his friends and ask to be excused with a sheepish grin and a half-embarassed explanation: “I got to give ‘em a little nigger talk.”
Seymour Wolfbein, a Labor Department expert in the Kennedy administration, was convinced it was all an act. . . . Wolfbein found Wallace fascinating and amusing, but hardly sinister, a kind of roguish political con man eager to let him in on the joke.
When confronted with the question of whether Wallace was “sincere” in his racial views, a Montgomery attorney who knew the governor well said it best. “If George had parachuted into the Albanian countryside in the spring of 1962,” reflected John Kohn, one of Wallace’s advisers in the 1960s, “he would have been head of the collective farm by harvesttime, a member of the Communist Party by midwinter, on his way to the district party meeting as a delegate by the following year, and a member of the Comintern in two or three years.” George, said Kohn, “could beieve whatever he needed to believe.”