Joseph E. Lowndes, From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism (Yale Univesity Press, 2008) 

"foundational violence of modern Republicanism" (2)

"But it has not ben easy for the GOP to shed its racial legacy because the party became dominant through racially inflected positions on poverty, crime, affirmative action, and government assistance." (2)

critiques "backlash" theory, Edsall. 3

"Politics is not merely the realm where preexisting interests, grievances, and passions are given expression.  Rather, it is in and through politics that interests, grievances, and passions are forged and new collective identities created.  Backlash, the ideological cornerstone and justification for modern conservatism, masks what was a long-term process whereby various groups in different places and times attempted to link racism, antigovernment populism, and ecoomic conservatism intro a discourse and institutional strategy through linguistic appeals, party-building, socal movement organizing, and the exercise of state power. {anti-union wisconsin, mich managers, voter suppression . . . sheriff arapaho posse in schools }  In the process, the very intersts and self-undertanding of these groups were continually undr construction as they moved from coalition to collective political idetity.  As opposed to being entrenched and traditioalist (or reactionary, depedning on one's politics.  The Right that developed is better viewed as contingent, mobile, and highly adaptve,constntly responding to changing conditions on the groound." 4-5

"Conservative Manifesto" 14 "including a balanced budget, tax reduction, a new labor policy, maintenance of states' rights and local self-government "14

*"Republican moderates had prevailed in the party at the national level since the New Deal, with most of the party's presidential candidates supporting internationalism and the welfare state.  This wing was based in the Northeast and linked to Wall Street.  Conservatives in the party tended to be midwestern or western, identified with small business, isolationist, and opposed to nearly all aspects of the New Deal.  48

"Wallace charged into this open political moment as a contradictory figure whose paradoxes were legion: as the simultaneous embodiment of the 'average citizen' and self-conscous carricature of a redneck, he was a politician with whom many Americans could identify even as they differentiated themselves from his image.  He called for law and order, yet he never strayed from the spectacle of disruptive violence himself. . . .  Although he always claimed he was not a racist,  racial demonization was the cornerstone of his success." 77-78

"The making of new political orders is always tumultuous, because creating a new collective political political identity requires the rending of people from old traditions and political identifications while prodcing new exclusions.  The fashioning of Wallace's antigovernment populism was a moment of founding violence for the modern Right in a way the Goldwater campaign was not, because it relid on politics outside of accepted norms or institutional party channels." 78

"The people [Wallace] attempted to bring together into a common identity were poor white southerners, working class urban ethnics, farmers, small business owers, and alienated suburbanites from across regions.  The positions he claimed to represent were also heterogeneous: states' rights, individual freedoms, law and order, anticommunism, economic libertarianism, and Protestant Christianity.  79

"Yet in order for Wallace supporters to see themselves as average citizens, ther enemies had to be cast as the real outsiders; not people with whom they simply had political disagreements, but parasites on the national body.  In other words, in order to make his outsiders insiders, Wallace had to rhetorically connect the liberal center to those he described as unproductive and decadent.  Thus, as his rhetoric evolved, he invoked bureaucrats, 'permissive' judges, the ultra-wealthy, protesters, rioters, welfare recipients, and criminals alike as threats to the nation to establish a fundamental unity among the groups he claimed to repreent. 79-80

"Wallace first gained national renown as a defender of segregation, but he soon abandoned open racial rhetoric.  Rather, he helped to create what is often referred to now as 'racial coding' by critics of the Right.  Generaly overlooked in discussions of coding, however, is that the very act of translation--of using nonracial words and phrases to speak about matters of race-- changes the meaning of that which is being translated.  If audiences outside the Deep South required altered language, that could only reflect their ambivalence about racist politics; otherwise, why not simply openly appeal to racial sentiments?  In order to make race work for him nationally, Wallace hd to convince his audiences that race meant something else--it had to exceed its ow boundaries and come to stand for a number of issues.  As a key term in an emergent chain of assocations, race both saturated and was masked by this new antigovernment populism." 81

[Violence and the Paradox of Law and Order]  {add Fantasy and its context}

    "Wallace and his aides undertood early on that the protests and physical clashes generated by his ralies, far from being a hindrance, actually helped his cause.  Violence, both material and symbolic, has particular significance in the Amerian context where the cultural meanings assigned to violence have defined and redefined the identity of the nation itself at critical moments.  'Law and Order' was a hallmark of Wallace's candidacies.  Yet at the same time, Wallace and his supporters were linked to violence themselves  in a number of ways, sometimes legally sanctioned, sometimes lawless.  The threat, anticipation, and performance of violence were all central to Wallace's image and political success.  As a candidate running against the system, against the two parties and the federal government, Wallace both evoked the specter of unchecked violence that threatened the American people and threatened violence on behalf of that same people." 87

"His critics charged that as a racist (or proto-fascist) Wallace hypocriticaly denounced violence while using it to maintain Jim Crow in Alabama and endorse a police state nationally.  The two assertions are essentially two side of the same coin.  Each maintained that Wallace's political goal was to uuphold the racial status quo in the South and put an end to demonstrations and riots around the nation.  But violence was not a means to a political end for Wallace; rather, it was constitutive of Wallace's politics itself, and a key ingredient of his appeal.  The combative opposition that Wallace and his supporters performed over the course of his carer helped define his political influence.  In his stand against federal authority, in his threats to run over demonstrators if they got in the way of his car, in his links to violent white supremacists, and in the fistfights at his rallies, Wallace and his supporters forged a new sense of us and them, drew new lines that defined new identities.  The extremety of ;this founding violence kept it from being hegemonic, but performed the political division that Wallace sought, and could help him and those he represented appear to be the real victims." 87-88

"From the stage, Wallace would invite hecklers to shout at him, even egging them on if they were too quiet.  He did not just invite attacks against himself; he incited crowd members against each other.  During his ralies he would build the tension until a clash became all but inevitable.  But through the use of humor, he was generaly able to keep fights from erupting outright.  For the audience, this perhaps provided a cathartic experience, an energetic disavowal of the enemy that deepened their identification wit his antigovernment racial populism."88

"In this book I analyze the meaning and effects of the speeches, writings, and private corresponence of actors in relation to the distinct political and institutional contexts in which they emerged, particularly the mediating institution of party.  This approach, which foregrounds the discursive basis of instititutions, provides a way of understanding how political regimes are created, altered, occasionally dismantled, and replaced by agents in new political conditions.  A focus on discourse foregrounds the real work of change that happens on the micro level.  It also demonstrates the mobility of language as it gets deployed and redeployed to both respond to and then reshape political realities on the ground.  This process lays bare the contingency of the various asemblages we come to call political order." 159

"Conservative legitimacy requires the fable that the rise of the Right was the inevitable return to first principles--as opposed to the eventual triumph of a particular coalition acheived through bitter conflict.  In this way the backlash narrative of the rise of the Right fails to disclose a key feature of the Right's eventual triumph.  The making of new politial orders is a disruptive process that requires the successful definition of myriad others as threatening to the nation.  The act of defining the outside often exceeded the boundaries of normal politics and depended on the real and symbolic uses of demonization and even violence." 160-61