Assignment # 2

Approaching Left vs. Right (Liberal vs. Conservative)

analysis of campaign contributions

Hist 1050

Peter Friedlander instructor
cosmic
cosmic background radiation
Assignment 2



Objectives:

To determine the nature of support for the two major parties by looking at campaign contributions in the current election cycle, and comparing Democratic and Republican contributors.  

There is a mass of data available.  In order to carry out this project you must first choose a manageable subset of this data.  Here are the options we discussed in class:

1.  Choose a House or Senate contest.  Take a subset of the set of all contributions to  these candidates.  The subsets we discussed in class include

-all contributions of  at least 2,400 dollars to the GOP and Dem candidates

-all contributions from one or more cities and towns

The major resources for this project are

opensecrets.org    

federal election commission.gov  


Here are some notes on my own analysis of some Iowa cities in the 3rd Cong Dist.  

List the contributors to each party.  Use google search to get info on the individuals and firms in your selection of campaign and candidates.

Then write up the results of your project.  Does the modern-traditional framework
 work in making sense of these contributions?

Additional resources:

city-data.com

Fortune 1000


Go to Opensecrets.org.  Under Politicians & Elections click on Congressional Elections, and you will see a map.  Use this to select your race.  

Then go to the FEC website.

Remember, the purpose of this project is to compare Democratic and Republican bases of support.

The question for this project is: how well does the cosmopolitan-provincial (or modern vs. traditional) interpretive framework help to explain the patterns of financial support for the two parties?



Notes:

Some provisional categories:


Local

chamber of commerce
real estate
construction
plumbing, heating contractors
car dealerships
law firms
beer distributors

Regional

Coors-Koch-Scaife (regional capital formations)

National manufacturing firms

Civic elite (utlities; banks; retail)

Multinational firms

Energy Sector (with exceptions)


what is an input-output matrix?  The flow of elements among actors governed by the teleological power of the process of realization.  Input-output networks governed by profit-seeking comprise the inner structure of sectors of realization

Commodities in International Trade, Securities Bloc, Mass Consumption.

regional centers of capital

new centers of capital (Unger)

provincial networks of power/ecology*

*ecology: small town chambers of commerce, elks, hibernians, masons . . .

Assignment Three: critiquing the text

1.  We have been looking at the language of popular politics (assignment 1, language and people) and at campaign contributions to both parties (assignment 2, institutions: money and politics).  Assignment three involves a shift of focus: it asks you to look at Promises to Keep as a phenomenologial field.

How does the text characterize

-the Republican Party
-the Democratic Party
-the Communist Party
-the People
-the Business community

this assignment involves combing through the text looking for specific quotes.  For example:

"The war influenced corporate attitudes toward government as well.  In the 1930s, many corporate leaders had vehemently attacked the New Deal and the proliferation of regulatory agencies." (p. 13-14)

"The Republican Party . . . suffered from deep internal divisions . . . .  Wendell Willkie, although a native of Indiana and a power-company executive, embodied the internationalist, somewhat more liberal wing of the Repubican Party" (p. 16)

"Even as the welcomed the peace, Americans eyed the future nervously." (p. 65)

"The reputation of corporate America . . . the business community's mounting influence . . . " (p. 67)
 " . . . a coalition of Republicans and conservative Democrats . . . " (p. 81)

"  Americans, prosperous yet worried about communism and nuclear war, had little patience with social critics or political dissidents." (p. 97)

"The Republican Party Eisenhower considered joining remaind divided.  The party's eastern, moderate internationalist wing mistrusted the more conservative and isolationist midwesten wing, headed by Ohio's senator Robert Taft." (p. 98)

"When the press revealed a secret Nixon fund set up by rich California businessmen, Eisenhower declined to defend his running mate . . . " (p. 99)

"This corporate elite . . . (p. 101)

"Ike's cabinet, drawn from the corporate world . . . " (p. 103)

"Postwar America longed for stabiity and traditional values . . . " (p. 119)

"The decade's films mirrored the ambivalent public mood . . . " (p. 133)

"The Democratic Party was torn between its northern and southern wings. . . . " (p.154)

"Playing on Cold War fears . . . a gap that myteriously vanished after the election." (p. 165)


2.  Structure of action/agency (Tea party rally and keep fear alive rally; McGirr essay; LINKS)
who are the moveers and shakers?  Uner what circumstances do non-elite elements become movers and shakers (or is action implicitly structured around elites?)

Fear and Favor
By PAUL KRUGMAN
Published: October 3, 2010


Based on the discussion in class (Thursday, Sept. 28) this assignment is being revised.


The two excerpts to the right illustrate the efficacy of the concepts modern and traditional in enabling us to see critical  patterns in history.  Although the first excerpt concerns North Carolina and the second Afghanistan, these two concepts seem to work equally well in both cases.  This illustrates not only the power, but the indespensibility of abstract thought.  The "facts" never speak for themselves.

These two concepts will be applied to the analysis of campaign contributions to candidates for federal office.

Two websites provide analytical access to federal election data, in addition to the FEC site itself, which provides the raw data.

opensecrets.org    

whitehouseforsale.org  you can copy mega-donor files and paste them into your spreadsheet




The party of contributors can be observed in the presidential elctions of 2000, 2004, and 2008; and the 2010 Senate and House campaigns.

NOTE: the data files of campaign contributions vary greatly in size from one candidate to another.  We will devise a way in class to cope with this excess of riches.


Fortune 1000:  you could select several firms from this list and analyze their campaign contributions, paying particular attention to geography and occupational classification

Senate:      (Reid-Angle; O'Donnell-Coon; Alaska--Joe Miller-Murakowski (geography, occupation, institution); Colorado

Greenstreet Real Estate Partners, L.P. (Fla., Meek)

House:       Kagan vs Ribbe, Wisc 08: on this one pay attention to the geographical distribution of contributors: does the modernist-traditionalist distinction made by the two texts fit what you find;

Look at this: North Dakota 1st Cong. district (Pomeroy vs. Berg); New Hampshire 2nd CD

Goldmark Property Management,  

Presidentby FIRM  --    (Berkshire Hathaway (geography); Valero Energy Corp (refining and retail); Microsoft (geography; cosmopolitan; google Seattle );

Two Washington Rallies: symmetries (Fox or

Excelon    

Oxbow Corporation   (
 KOCH, WILLIAM INGRAHAM [1940] )

http://www.fpcwaste.com/

http://www.jgedelen.com/  

Two Rivers Water and Light

American Crystal Sugar  

SEAKR Engineering, Inc.  

Doranco  

BEMIS COMPANY, INC
 

YAHARA MATERIALS INC  

Saban Capital

Tea Party-Loving Republican Senate Candidates Propelled by Cash from Ideological Groups, Small Donors
By Michael Beckel on October 7, 2010 1:04 PM Opensecrets.org





modern vs. traditional/cosmopolian vs. provincial
(liberal vs. conservative/left vs. right)


I.  from Paul Luebke, Tar heel politics 2000 (University of North Carolina Press, 1998), viii

"Despite North Carolina's long-standing reputation for progressivism, the term "progressive" should be applied cautiously.  The reality is that the state's political debate remains firmly controlled by two well-institutionalized economic elites with somewhat conflicting interests.  One group, the modernizers, consists of bankers, developers, retail merchants, the news media, and other representatives of the business community who expect to benefit from change and growth.  The second group, the traditionalists, includes traditional industrialists (in textiles, furniture, and apparel), tobacco farmers, and others associated with the state's agricultural economy who feel threatened by change and growth.  Each group is linked with politicians who represent its interests."


II.  U. S. official resigns over Afghan war  
Foreign Service officer and former Marine captain says he no longer knows
why his nation is fighting, by Karen DeYoung, Washington Post, October 27, 2009
letter of resignation  

excerpt from letter: (note the central place of a traditional vs. modern conflict in this passage.  Emphasis added.)
 
"If the history of Afghanistan is one great stage play, the United States is no more than a supporting actor, among several previously, in a tragedy that not only pits tribes, valleys, clans, villages and families against one another, but, from at least the end of King Zahir Shah's reign, has violently and savagely pitted the urban, secular, educated and modern of Afganistan against the rural, religious, illiterate and traditional.  It is this latter group that composes and supports the Pashtun insurgency. The Pashtun insurgency, which is composed of multiple, seemingly infinite, local groups, is fed by what is perceived by the Pashtun people as a continued and sustained assault, going back centuries, on Pashtun land, culture, tradtions and religion by internal and external enemies."

also see Insurgents, Terrorists, and Militias: The Warriors of Contemporary Combat, by Richard H. Shultz and Andrea J. Dew (Columbia University Press, 2006) 


III.  Questions for Dr. Retail, by David Brooks (New York Times 2-8-08)
This article is about the class and cultural conflict between Clinton and Obama constituencies.  As you read this, keep the above two texts in mind.  Is this text decipherable in terms of a traditionalist vs. modern paradigm?  If so, which side do you think the author takes?

IV.  two anti-cosmopolitan ("San Franscisco values") ads

Rep. Graves (R-MO) Attacks Opponent's "San Francisco Values" in New TV Ad

Harold Ford Jr not for Tennessee
from Michael W. Miles, The Odyssey of the American Right (Oxford University Press, 1980)

Republicanism did not abruptly or entirey disappear in 1932.  Stripped of many of its working-class and black allies, uncertain even of the allegiance of the metropolitan upper class and many farmers, classical Republicanism retained the loyalties of unreconstructed Republicans in the provincial Midwest--the core of the American right wing in subsequent decades.  The cultural traditions of political Republicanism and white Anglo-Saxon Protestantism were decisive, usually in combination with economic interest but sometimes against it.  Small business ws the nucleus of reactionary Repubicanism. (viii)

The basic impetus of this core constituency was to restore the old laissez-faire capitalist order and its foreign policies of protectionism and Pacific First.  (viii)

Over the question of the New Deal, the Republican Party ultimately split three ways.  The "Western Progressives" tended to support the Roosevelt Administration on domestic social policy, although many later opposed intervention in World War II.  The "Eastern" wing at first opposed the New Deal, but once the reform wave had passed, adjusted to the new order and, in addition, endorsed the "internationalist" foreign policies of the Roosevelt and Truman Administrations. Actually, this "Eastern" sentiment was metropolitan in character and sometimes found an echo in Republican constituencies in the larger cities outside the Northeast.  As the Progressives either moved out of the party in support of the New Deal or in some cases moved to the right in opposition to it, the "regular Republicans" in the Midwwest and the West consolidated their control of the party apparatus and became the nucleus of right-wing Republicans for the next two decades.  This tendency was srong in the rural areas, small towns, and smaller cities of these regions and in the provincial areas of the Northeast as well. (4)

Like its Red variation, the creeping Socialism theory attempted to organize all of social reality to conform to theresentments of provincial Republicanism.  If there was some satisfaction in the knowlegge that East European immigrants, and in particular Russan Jews, were the carriers of the REd infectin, there as an equal satisfaction in the knowlege that the Eaastern uppoer class and the metropolitan intelligentsia had once again succumbed to their dreanged Anglophilia which this time involved Socialist subversion.  Buth Communism and Socaism became symbols for whatever oppressed and dispelased the Repblican right.  Anti-Commjunism and anti-Socialism cold serve as outlets for petit-bourgeois resentyment of the uppoer class or provincial envy of metropolitan opportunities.  (27)


Scholars of all ideological persuasiions have downgraded the importance of preindustrial economic interests, prebourgeois elites, predemocratic autority systerms [proto-Dorian convention], premodernist artistic idioms, and 'archaic' mentalities.  They have done so by treating them as expiring remnants, not to say relics, in rapdily modernizing civil and politial societies.  They have vastly overdrawn th decline of land, noble and peasant; the contraction of traditional naufacturing and trade, provincial burghers, and artisanal workers; the derogtion of kings, public service no bilities, and upper cambers; the weakening of organized religion; and the atrophy of classsical high culture.  (Persistence, p. 5)

As for the class formations of this precorporate entrepreneurial capitalism, the owners of small workshops were the backbone of the indepenedent lower middle class.  In turn, proprietors of mdium-sized as well as larger plants, especially in textimes and food procesing, cnstituted a boourgeosie that was predominantly provincial rather than national and cosmopolitan.  This bourgeoisie including commercial and private bankers, acted less as a socal class with a cmprehesive political and culturalprojct tan as an intest andpressute group in ursuit of ecnomic goals.  (20)
Left: enlightenment roots Right: counter-enlightenment roots
from Lionel B. Steiman, Paths to Genocide: Antisemitism in Western History (Macmillan Press, 1998), p. 93-95


The roots of the Enlightenment lay in the new mathematics, astronomy, and physics advanced by Kepler, Galileo, and Newton; the heliocentric universe posited erlier by Nicholas Copernicus; and the inductive method of scientific investigation developed earlier still by Sir Francis Bacon.  Galileo conclusively demonstated the heliocentric cosmology, and Newton discovered the physical laws that governed the universe.  Their astronomy and physics remained uncontested until the twentieth century.  The motto of René Descartes--'I think, therefore I am' (cogito ergo sum) together with Isaac Newton's law of gravity, came to epitomize the daring rationalism and universal certainties of the Scientic Revolution.  As this epoch dawned into the Enlightenment, Alexander Pope epitomized the evolving sequence in verse:

Nature and nature's Law lay hid in night:
God said, Let Newton be! and all was light.

In 1697 Pierre Bayle published his Critical and Philosophical Dictionary, which summarized the scientific advances made during the two preceding centuries and applied common sense--which the Enlightenment called 'critical reason'--to a wide range of traditional beliefs.  This began the dissemination to a wider public of ideas hitherto restricted to the learned.  It also commenced a process of popularization, which extended the application of the newly revealed principles of science in all areas of social, political, ethical, and cultural concern.  In magazines, learned societies, and informal discussion groups, the philosophes turned the light of reason on every traditional belief and practice.  They subjected to rational criticism every aspect of society, and they offered a revolutionary vision of the purpose of political life.  The traditional view was that the state existed solely to restrain people from doing evil; the philosophes argued that it exists to ensure that its citizens can fulfill their human potential. . . .

The Enlightenment transformed the conception of human nature which until then had been the foundation of Western civilization.  According to the Christian doctrine of orginal sin, human beings were by their very nature inclined to do evil.  In the view of St Augustine, which dominated Western political thought until the later Middle Ages, the sole purpose and only justification of the state was to deter people from following their naturally evil inclinations.  But the Enlightenment rejected the idea of human nature as essentially sinful, seeing it instead as essentially rational and posssessed of the ability to choose between good and evil.  How human beings exercised that ability depended on the environment in which they lived. The purpose of the state, and of politics in this view, was to promote an environment that would maximize the good that people would seek to accomplish. . . .

Not only were people born without sin; they were born with rights.  The idea of 'natiural rights' was a key element in the Enlightenment's conception of human nature. . . .

Christian dogma had divded humanity into two groups, that of the saved and that of the damned; those who accepted Christ and those who closed their hearts to Him; those who were of the Lord and those who served Satan. . . .

The Enlightenment rejected this dreadful pessimism and offered instead the optimistic conception of a universal rational faculty as the definition of common humanity. . . .

The Enlightenment view of human nature--that we are not born in sin but possess from birth both a rational understanding and a capacity for good--had revolutionary implications.  The traditional Christian view was that by their very nature, human beings were sinful: if left to follow their natural inclinations, they would do evil.  The Enlightenment did not deny the existence of all manner of evils but denied that these were a consequence of human nature.  It held that people are by nature reasonable and capable of good but had been corrupted by their institutions and environment.  Its rationalism assumed the universal existence of human reason and applied the criterion of social utility to all institutions, policies, and actions.  Transform or abolish corrupt institutions, improve the human environment, and human behavior would likewise improve.  Human beings were by nature rational and therefore capable of creating a rational and humane socal order.


see also All that is Solid Melts into Air
from Darrin M. McMahon, Enemies of the Enlightement: the French Counter-Enlightenment and the Making of Modernity (Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 48-52

What were the elements of this emergent right wing vision?  The fundamental importance of religion in maintaining political order, a preoccupation with the perils of intellectual and social license, the valorization of the family and history, the critique of abstract rights, the dangers of dividing sovereignty, and the need for a strategic alliance between throne and altar . . .  Even more fundamental was a Manichean readiness to divide the word in two: bewtween good and evil, right and wrong, Right and Left.

Yet to say that the anti-philosophe discourse (the primoridal emergent of the Right, 1700-1789) fulfilled an ideological function is not to assert that it offered a fully developed political platform.  Rather it provided a "symbolic template" through which to construe a perplexing and rapidly changing world, a number of "authoritative concepts" and "suasive images" by which they could be grasped.  

By invoking this mythic golden past . . . anti-philosophes revealed signs of a romantic, qasi-utopian yearning for wholeness and social unity that would characterize a strain in far Right thinking for years to come.             

Reactive, reductive, Manichean, this thinking is less noteworthy, perhaps, for its particulars than for its general form.  It was precisely this tendency to view society as a battleground between opposing camps that stands as a hallmark of the bipolar, Right-Left model of politics so fundamental to subsequent European history. . . .  Dividing the world between good and evil, between the pious and the profane, anti-philosphes saw their struggle as a cosmic war in which the winners would take all.


below: optional

Puritanism as a Revolutionary IdeologyMichael Walzer, History and Theory, Vol. 3, No. 1 (1963), pp. 59-90

About the Puritan saints Walzer writes of " . . . their almost Manichean warfare against Satan and his worldly allies, their nervous lust for systematic repression and control." p. 63 

"They felt themselves to be living in an age of chaos and crime and sought to train conscience to be permanently on guard against sin.  The extent to which they would have carried the moral discipline can be seen in the following list of offenses which merited excommunication in one seventeenth-century congregation:

-for unfathfulness in his masters service
-for admitting cardplaying in his house . . .
-for sloth in business.
-for being overtaken in beer.
-for borrowing a pillion and not returning it.
-for jumping for wagers . . .
-for dancing and other vanities.

  Had the saints been successful in establishing their Holy Commonwealth, the enforcement of this discipline would have consituted the Puritan terror." p. 64

"The persecution of witches, of course, was not a vital aspect of Puritan endeavor, but the active, fearful struggle against wickedness was.  And the saints imagined wickedness as a creative and omnipresent demonic force, that is, as a continual threat." p. 79 


 
Cosmopolitan vs. Provincial (Modern vs. Traditional):
examples of the widespread applicability of these two concepts

provincial vs. cosmo in Boyer

GOP split: eastern, moderate internationalist mistrusted themore conservative and isolationist midwestern wing.  (98)

Ike and sophisticated corporate leaders; rejecting backward looking poitics of people like Taft (100-101)  core of reactionary republicans (who?)

FDR's New Deal had sketched the outlines of a welfare state.  The 1930s' legacy to postwar America was a fedeal government comitted to maintaining prosperity, regulating capitalism, protecting workers' rights, and ensuring the general well-being through social security and other measures.  Liberals hoped to expand these reforms to include other objectives, such as full employment and universal health coverage.   Promises, 67


Employment Act of 1946: 67

Dems convention (p. 78) re states rights (cosmo provincial split in Dems?)


In contrast to Dewey,Truman talked about matters important to millions of voters, including, historian Donald McCoy writes, "housing, fedeal aid to education, health care, higher minimum wage and Socal Security benefits, flood control, public power, civil rights, labor, conservation, agriculture, and regulation of business, among others.  79

the Fair Deal: 80

A Laundry list of advanced liberal thinking . . . (81)

thepresidents civil rights program was bocked by southern dems joined by conservative Republicans (81).  two tradntinalists elements join forces?

Lionel Trilling critiized liberals faith in reform and their optimism about human nature (88)


shaping a liberal agenda 186

 . . .  liberals called for increased investment in the nation's infrastructure and public sector--schools, housing, hospitals, cultural institutions, public works, and civic services . . .  186

the administration's efforsts to hold down inflationary pressures (188--adams jr multiplier)

consevative coaliton  188

billions spent on space research could be better . . . 189

war on poverty: strategic planning meets local poltics+

the right: 196-199, 211  McGirr

GOP split 98 (taft vs. Ike); 1952 convention (auto ind for Ike in michigan)


Backlash:

the conservatiuve impulse took many forms . . .  368

tax revolt 369

conservative backlash . . . race: 370
I.  from Wikipedia:  

Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft    modernity    Verstehen   Lifeworld  





IV.  Midland Steel, 1933-1941: Provincial vs. Cosmopollitan

V.   The 2008 Democratic Primary: provincial vs. cosmopolitan

VI.  Little Rock Business Leaders and Desegreagation, circa 1958

from Elizabeth Jacoway, "Taken by Surprise: Little Rock Business Leaders and Desegreagation," in Elizabeth Jacoway and David R. Colburn, eds., Southern Businessmen and Desegregation (Louisiana State University Press, 1982)

On all sides the cost of all-out resistance was painfully apparent, and at this point many "ordinary" citizens found their voice.  Most hopeful of all the responses was the formation, under the leadership of one of Little Rock's great ladies, Adolphine Fletcher Terry, of the Women's Emergency Committee to Open Our Schools.  Conceived originally as an organization to work for racial justice, the Women's Emergency Committee quickly scaled down its objectives when the leaders realized the timidity of the ladies and the possiblity of using the schools issue to build a broad base of support for a more enlightened position on the integration question.  Housed in the Heights and drawing its support primarily from the affluent fifth ward, the Women's Emergeny Committee was a hopeful indicator of a change in the attitude and awareness on the part of Little Rock's civic elite.  As the businessman husband of one of the ladies has suggested, the women could speak out when often it would have been economically dangerous for the men to do so.

Downtown businessmen also developed new insight into the Little Rock crisis in the fall of 1958.  As Chamber of Commerce committees began to make industrial recruiting visits to cities in other states, only to learn that no one was interested in moving to Little Rock, the impact of the crisis on the community's economy bcame all too apparent.

. . . .

At the beginning of the new year the incoming presdent of the Chamber of Commerce, E. Grainger Williams, shocked the crowd assembled to hear his inaugural address by calling for an end to the crisis.  Discussion of the events in Little Rock had long been taboo in refined circles, for one was never sure of the convictions and sentiments of one's peers and associates; and so when Grainger Wiliams called for an evaluation of the cost of education and "the cost of lack of it," a gasp went through the crowd, followed shortly by a wave of applause.  At last someone in a postion of authority hd spoken out publicly, and soon public discussion of the crisis became acceptible."
pp. 31-33

The Pursuit of Glory:  Europe 1648 -1815, Tim Blanning (Viking, 2007).

"Unfortunately for enlightened intellectuals, more often than not 'the people' proved to be not just unenlightened but positively reactionary, just as likely to riot against attempts to remove discrimnation against Jews or Catholics as to demonstrate in favor of 'Wilkes and Liberty!'  In the Habsburg Monarchy they were far more likely to turn out to greet the Pope, as more than 100,000 proved in April 1782, than to welcome the enlighened reforms Joseph II was trying to thrust down their throats.  Indeed, what prompted Joseph to put the brakes on his liberalization of the public sphere toward the end of his reign was the awful realization that it was not being used to propagate enlightenment, as he had hoped, but rather to incite conservative resistance to his reforms.  As so often before and since, it was the reactionaries who proved the more adept at exploiting the written word, not least because their arguments struck a much more responsive chord than those of their progressive opponents." (334)

Stop!  End of Assignment-related Materials. Kentucky Counties  Primary Election 2008  Obama vs. Clinton

County     Clinton  Obama     Clinton   Obama  blacks (census)

Jackson        82%     14%           318       53           7
Owsley        90          8               269       24           5
Breathitt       90          7             3350     251         63

Breathitt County Cultural Features: Churches
 
The "Left":

empirical territories
institutional roots
inter-organizational networks
retardation (economy & society) and subversion (media & politics & appetite) of development

what is the formative power (oft construed as Y*w*h or G*d)

Ernst Cassirer
Nietzsche

philosophy has always had an historical dimesion, and has been concerned withhistorical problems--the emergence of mind is th kstircal probmelem par excellence.  And any history worthy of the name in the twnety first entury must incorpate the toaltity of all threre is in its attempot tocmprehend and understand itself.  

Progressivism


•Chicago subset {N=102}/
New England subset {N=  }:

LDB Letters {N=???)

theme: the myth of small business and the reality of business participation in Progressivism to New Deal

theme: white collar "radicals" as children of enlightenment:among the east european jews, haskala continued, fusing with other popular enlightenment cultures at the time.

: the secret power of the Second New Deal

•the myth of the working class

•The Communist Party vs. the Socialist Party

The New Deal

Campaign contributions


KE in New Deal State--N=31

Chicago subset, Eastern Rate Case, 1910--N=1??
New England subet, Estern Rate Case, 1910--N=?

Midland Steel (UAW Local 410)--Cleveland Trust--Newton Baker

all candidates for local office, circa 1939 (N=81)
40 Interviews
Wage reajustment document, 1941--N=450
Art Lamb (plant manager) interview


Michigan Steel Tube (UAW Local 238)

anectdotes: smoking, lunch, working


New York City: Communist secretaries in major local unions

District Council 65 (Mae)
Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union (Irene)
Transport Workers Union (Mrs. Sussman)
Hospital Workers Union (Fran)
Amalgamated Clothing Workers (Hilly)

Aaron D. Purcell, White collar radicals : TVA's Knoxville Fifteen, the New Deal, and the McCarthy era (University of Tennessee Press, 2009)


New York City:

Columbia Strike (1970-Kent State/Cambodia); CCNY strike (1968?); anti war demos; wittgensteinian meeting.


1970s-1990s: Detroit Metro

UAW Local 2560 (Marvin)
UAW Local BCBSM (all)
UAW local WSU (all)
CWA local
UAW Local 600 (Shelton Tappes, Ed Lock)
DPOA (Ira)
Iron Workers Local 25 (Al)


1992-1996: 35th State Rep District

local networks (networks of everyday life)
from Wiki "History of the United States (1865–1918)"

Against these defaults of political life, a new spirit of the times, known as "Progressivism", arose in the 1890s and continued to the U.S. entry into World War I in 1917.
Many self-styled progressives saw their work as a crusade against urban political bosses and corrupt "robber barons". There was increased demands for effective regulation of business, a revived commitment to public service, and an expansion of the scope of government to ensure the welfare and interests of the country as the groups pressing these demands saw fit. Almost all the notable figures of the period, whether in politics, philosophy, scholarship or literature, were connected at least in part with the reform movement.
Trenchant articles dealing with trusts, high finance, impure foods and abusive railroad practices began to appear in the daily newspapers and in such popular magazines as McClure's and Collier's. Their authors, such as the journalist Ida M. Tarbell, who crusaded against the Standard Oil Trust, became known as "Muckrakers". In his novel, The Jungle, Upton Sinclair exposed unsanitary conditions in the Chicago meat packing houses and the grip of the beef trust on the nation's meat supply.
The hammering impact of Progressive Era writers bolstered aims of certain sectors of the population, especially a middle class caught between big labor and big capital, to take political action. Many states enacted laws to improve the conditions under which people lived and worked. At the urging of such prominent social critics as Jane Addams, child labor laws were strengthened and new ones adopted, raising age limits, shortening work hours, restricting night work and requiring school attendance.
III.  elites: institutions and networks of power

Kim Phillips-Fein, Top-Down Revolution: Businessmen, Intellectuals, and Politicians Against the New Deal, 1945–1964,Enterprise & Society, Volume 7, Number 4 pp. 686-694

"Historians frequently treat the conservative movement in the United States as a populist movement in its origins, which grew primarily in response to cultural conflicts over the civil rights, feminist, and gay rights movements in the 1960s and 1970s.  During the postwar period, business and labor are thought to have been unified on basic political and economic questions, the common cause of the Cold War overriding conflicts in an era of economic expansion. My dissertation suggests that this unity has been overestimated by historians and that in fact many businessmen remained sharply critical of the political economy inaugurated by the New Deal.  Instead of looking at conservatism primarily as a populist revolt driven by the cultural conflicts of the 1970s, or as a social movement, historians need to be aware of the elite components to organizing against liberalism."


from Kim Phillips-Fein, Invisible Hands: the Making of the Conservative Movement from the New Deal to Reagan (W. W. Norton, 2009), pp. 142-3

Failing to get support from businessmen in the months leading up to the [1964 Presidential] election, the Goldwater campaign decided to try a new tactic: finding ways to translate the conservative message into rhetoric that could mobilize working class voters.  Even though Goldwater's low-tax, non-union vision for economic growth won the support of some union members in Arizona, Cliff White [who conceived and masterminded the conservative dominance of the 1964 Republican National Convention and its nomination of Barry Goldwater for President] thought that his surveys about reactions to the civil rights movement indicated the potental for success with a different strategy--one that focused on fearrs of racial integration and on a broad call for morality in politics.

As the election approached, the New York offices of Citizens for Goldwater-Miller . . . saved a survey of forty white ethnic voters in Queens--mostly first- and second-generation Americans, some recent immigrants, mostly lower middle class--that a supporter sent into the office.  About half were for Goldwter and half either for Johnson or still undecided.  The issues the Goldwater supporters felt most strongly about were "rising crime" and "fear of integration"; even Johnson supporters were agitated about these problems.  Nearly everyone opposed busing children from one neighborhood to another to integrate the public schools.  "Most of those voting for Johnson thought Goldwater was right with respect to the 'racial issue,' but thought he was anti-union or would weaken social security," according to the survey.  The most striking aspect of the poll was the finding that the economic elements of the conservative program--"'right-to-work' and voluntary social security"--made an "almost universal negative impression" on the Queens voters.  But these cold be trumpoed if the Republicans changed their platform to capitalize on racial fears.  And that's eactly what the Goldwater supporte suggested.  "Signs should not simply read 'Vote Goldter' but rather 'Make our meighborhood safe again.  Vote Goldwater.'  Or 'Streets must be made safe again.  Vote Goldwater' or 'Don't experient with our children.  Keep neighborhood schools.  Vote Goldwater' or 'Our children want education--not transportation.  Vote Goldwater.'"

The letters coming into the Goldwater campaign offices from political allies and supporters made similar suggestions.  In September one political consultant wrote that on Long Island the busing program was known as the LBJ program, for "Let's Bus Juveniles," and suggested that "race riots" might sway New York City voters. Another Goldwater supporter, a Wall Streeter who wrote to the campaign while on a business flight, argued that "much more must be done to exploit the white backlash," saying that whites feared that "Negroes will move into their neighborhoods."  The white backlash, he declared, "was the biggest single reservoir of votes that Goldwater can tap into but you will have to get more to the point, if you are going to get these votes."



re bankruptcy of liberalism: Kathleen Hall Jamieson's window onto the Heart of Darkness

from
Kathleen Hall Jamieson and Joseph N. Cappella, Echo Chamber: Rush Limbaugh and the Conservative Media Estabisment (Oxford Univeristy Press, 2008), p.p. 188-89. (Emphasis added.)

   Limbaugh's attempts at gender-based "humor" are of the locker room variety.  As the California gubernatorial recall was heating up, Limbaugh informed his folowers that Leutenant Governor Cruz Bustamante--"whose name loosely translates into Spanish for 'large breasts'--leads the Terminator by a few pionts" (August 18, 2003).  A photomontage on the Limbaugh website shows a photograph of Schwartzenegger's head and shoulders from his Pumping Iron days as a body builder.  A naked woman has been transposed onto his shoulders.  Over her breasts is a sign reading BUSTAMONTE.  When Madonna endorsed General Wesley Clark, Limbaugh reported that she had "opened herself" to him.  Why the vulgarity in this message does not alienate the churchgoing conservatives in his audiences a question for which we have no ready answer.

add: enlightenment



FDR's New Deal had sketched the outlines of a welfare state.  The 1930s' legacy to postwar America was a fedeal government comitted to maintaining prosperity, regulating capitalism, protecting workers' rights, and ensuring the general well-being through social security and other measures.  Liberals hoped to expand these reforms to include other objectives, such as full employment and universal health coverage.   Promises, 67

In contrast to Dewey,Truman talked about matters important to millions of voters, including, historian Donald McCoy writes, "housing, fedeal aid to education, health care, higher minimum wage and Socal Security benefits, flood control, public power, civil rights, labor, conservation, agriculture, and regulation of business, among others.  79

 . . .  liberals called for increased investment in the nation's infrastructure and public sector--schools, housing, hospitals, cultural institutions, public works, and civic services . . .  186


tm


from Irwin Ungar, Recent America: The United States Since 1945 (Pearson Education, Inc.)

"At their July[1964] convention in San Francisco the [Republican] party's right wing triumphed over its moderates by nominating Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona.  Goldwater and his associates represented the conservative politics of the growing South and West.  Funded by "new money" derived from oil, timber, real estate, and cattle, the Republican right was unabashedly opposed to the social welfare system and the regulatory state derived from the New Deal.  It wished to reduce the federal government to what it had been before Roosevelt and the Great Depression."  p. 106


the Plen-T-Plaint, from Thomas Frank, What's the Matter with Kansas

"As culture war, backlash was born to lose.  Its goal is not to win cultural battles but to take offense, conspicuously, vocally, even flamboyantly.  Indignation is the great aesthetic principle of backlash culture; voicing the fury of the imposed-upon is to the backlash what the guitar solo is to heavy metal.  Indignation is the privilege emotion, the magic moment that brings a consciuosness of rightness and a determination to persist. . . .  Everything seems to piss conservatives off, and they react by documenting and cataloguing their disgust.  The result is what we call the plen-T-plaint, a curious amassing of petty, unrelated beefs with the world.  Its purpose is not really to evaluate the hated liberal culture that surrounds us; the plen-T-plaint is a horizontal rather than vertical mode of criticism, aiming instead to infuriate us with dozens, hundreds, thousands of stories of the many tiny ways the world around us assaults family values, uses obscenities, disrespects parents, foments revolution, and so on."  121-3

Puritanism as a Revolutionary IdeologyMichael Walzer, History and Theory, Vol. 3, No. 1 (1963), pp. 59-90

About the Puritan saints Walzer writes of " . . . their almost Manichean warfare against Satan and his worldly allies, their nervous lust for systematic repression and control." (111)

"They felt themselves to be living in an age of chaos and crime and sought to train conscience to be permanently on guard against sin. . . .  Had the saints been successful in establishing their Holy Commonwealth, the enforcement of this discipline would have consituted the Puritan terror."

"The persecution of witches, of course, was not a vital aspect of Puritan endeavor, but the active, fearful struggle against wickedness was.  And the saints imagined wickedness as a creative and omnipresent demonic force, that is, as a continual threat." (120)
"I want my country back!"  
wantcountry
RINO [Republicans In Name Only] American Traitor Rep. Mike Castle Tap-Dances Around Obama Birth Certificate (July 20, 2009)

from Robert O. Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism (Alfred A. Knopf, 2004):

"Today a "politics of resentment" rooted in authentic American piety and nativism sometimes leads to violence against some of the very same "internal enemies" once targed by the Nazis, such as homosexuals and defenders of abortion rights.

"The languge and symbols of an authentic American fascism would, of course, have little to do with the original European models.  They would have to be as familiar and reassuring to loyal Americans as the language and symbols of the original fascisms were familiar and reassuring to many Italians and Germans, as Orwell suggested. . . .  No swastikas in an American fascism, but Stars and Stripes (or Stars and Bars) and Christian crosses.  No fascist salute, but mass recitations of the pledge of alegiance (one minute and 45 seconds into the video above).  These symbols contain no whiff of fascism in themselves, of course, but an American fascism would transform them into obligatory litmus tests for detecting the internal enemy."  p.  202

"Fascism may be defined as a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion." p. 218

"The legitimation of violence against a demonized internal enemy brings us close to the heart of fascism."  p. 84
the white terror

from Robert S. Graetz, Montgomery, a white preacher's memoir (Fortress Press, 1991)

Later that day, I walked the mile or so into town to check on the repairs.  The car was on the hoist.  Mechanics had removed the gas tank and cleaned it out, and they were in the process of reinstalling it. As I stood off to the side watching, another workman walked past, whispering to follow him.  Having no idea what was gong on, I walked around the corner with him.

"Don't ever tell anyone I told you this," he warned."  Whoever put that sugar in your gas tank also slashed your front tires.  Then cut them on the inside where you wouldn't notice.  Now you stay here for a minute.  Don't let anyone see me with you."  With that he walked away.  (pp. 61-2)


from Elizabeth Jacoway, "Taken by Surprise: Little Rock Business Leaders and Desegreagation," in Elizabeth Jacoway and David R. Colburn, eds., Southern Businessmen and Desegregation (Louisiana State University Press, 1982)

On all sides the cost of all-out resistance was painfully apparent, and at this point many "ordinary" citizens found their voice.  Most hopeful of all the responses was the formation, under the leadership of one of Little Rock's great ladies, Adolphine Fletcher Terry, of the Women's Emergency Committee to Open Our Schools.  Conceived originally as an organization to work for racial justice, the Women's Emergency Committee quickly scaled down its objectives when the leaders realized the timidity of the ladies and the possiblity of using the schools issue to build a broad base of support for a more enlightened position on the integration question.  Housed in the Heights and drawing its support primarily from the affluent fifth ward, the Women's Emergeny Committee was a hopeful indicator of a change in the attitude and awareness on the part of Little Rock's civic elite.  As the businessman husband of one of the ladies has suggested, the women could speak out when often it would have been economically dangerous for the men to do so.

Downtown businessmen also developed new insight into the Little Rock crisis in the fall of 1958.  As Chamber of Commerce committees began to make industrial recruiting visits to cities in other states, only to learn that no one was interested in moving to Little Rock, the impact of the crisis on the community's economy bcame all too apparent.

. . . .

At the beginning of the new year the incoming presdent of the Chamber of Commerce, E. Grainger Williams, shocked the crowd assembled to hear his inaugural address by calling for an end to the crisis.  Discussion of the events in Little Rock had long been taboo in refined circles, for one was never sure of the convictions and sentiments of one's peers and associates; and so when Grainger Wiliams called for an evaluation of the cost of education and "the cost of lack of it," a gasp went through the crowd, followed shortly by a wave of applause.  At last someone in a postion of authority hd spoken out publicly, and soon public discussion of the crisis became acceptible."
pp. 31-33
from Nietzsche, Will to Power, § 863

“The values of the weak prevail because the strong have taken
them over as devices of leadership.” 


Kim Phillips-Fein, Top-Down Revolution: Businessmen, Intellectuals, and Politicians Against the New Deal, 1945–1964,Enterprise & Society, Volume 7, Number 4 pp. 686-694

"Historians frequently treat the conservative movement in the United States as a populist movement in its origins, which grew primarily in response to cultural conflicts over the civil rights, feminist, and gay rights movements in the 1960s and 1970s.  During the postwar period, business and labor are thought to have been unified on basic political and economic questions, the common cause of the Cold War overriding conflicts in an era of economic expansion. My dissertation suggests that this unity has been overestimated by historians and that in fact many businessmen remained sharply critical of the political economy inaugurated by the New Deal.  Instead of looking at conservatism primarily as a populist revolt driven by the cultural conflicts of the 1970s, or as a social movement, historians need to be aware of the elite components to organizing against liberalism."

Friendly Fire: The Birth of an Anti-Kerry Ad, by Kate Zernike and Jim Rutenberg (New York Times, August 20, 2004) an elite in action

Right-Wing Harassment Strategy Against Dems Detailed In Memo: ‘Yell,’ ‘Stand Up And Shout Out,’ ‘Rattle Him’  By Lee Fang on Jul 31st, 2009 at 2:28 pm, thinkprogress.org

Right Wingers Wreak Havoc on Philadelphia Town Meeting, by Denise Dennis, Posted: August 3, 2009 10:09 AM  Huffington Post

Covert Operations: The billionaire brothers who are waging a war against Obama.
by Jane Mayer, New Yorker, aug 30, 2010

The Tea Party Movement: Who's In Charge?, the Atlantic, APR 13 2009, 6:07 PM ET

The Billionaires Bankrolling the Tea Party
By FRANK RICH, August 28, 2010 NYT

MONDAY, AUG 16, 2010 07:01 ET
WAR ROOM
How the "ground zero mosque" fear mongering began
BY JUSTIN ELLIOTT

re. elites: from Tea Partiers Bring Cause to Washington, by KATE ZERNIKE
(NYT, September 12, 201)

Ginni Thomas, a founder of the Tea Party group Liberty Central and the wife of Justice Clarence Thomas of the Supreme Court, continued the theme of anti-elitism, declaring, “Every day citizens make a difference, it’s not the elitist rulers.”

Betsy McCaughey Pt. 1 The Daily Show  

Betsy McCaughey Pt. 2 The Daily Show

Hannity’s Super-Accurate Bachmann Tea Party Footage

» 40 comments
by Rachel Sklar | 9:42 am, November 11th, 2009

DC ‘Tea Party’ Crowd Estimate: How Did Thousands Become Millions?
September 14, 2009 3:24 PM



. . . in the wake of Goldwater’s defeat Reagan and other conservatives had refashioned their discourse, moving away from tirades on socialism and communism and toward attacks on liberal “permisiveness,” “welfare chiselers,” and “runaway spending.”
Lisa McGirr, Piety and Property, 365-6

National political contenders like Nixon and Wallace picked up on the discourse of “morality,” “law and order,” “welfare chiselers,” and “liberal permissiveness,” and rode a tide of popular middle- and lower-middle-class resentment toward the social changes of the decade.
Lisa McGirr, Piety and Property, 366

Free marketeers, the senior partners in the conservative coalition, have been at the cutting edge of recent historial change.  Religious conservatives, while obtaining new access to the corridors of power, are still waiting to see their concerns over abortion, homsexuality, and obcenity reflected in pubic policy.”
Lisa McGirr, Piety and Property, p. 370

Reagan proved himself to be very much a man of the Old Right . . .  Although Reagan could speak as movingly about traditional values as he spoke about everything else, his priorities were elsewhere: in cuts to domestic programs, in reductions in marginal tax rates, and in large increases in military spending . . .  In the meantime, abortions continued, women kept flooding the workplace—and not a word of prayer was recited in the schools to petition the Almighty to turn these trends around.”
E. J. Dionne, The Religiious Right and the New Republican Party, p. 377


If a concept of corporate elite(s) is to have any empirical correlate, it would begin with the Fortune 1000-LINK (but only as a point of departure, leaving open the possiblity that all size intervals in the County Business Patterns-LINK report on the more than 9 million firms in the United States are significant actors in the game called politics).  (I.e., US chamber of commerce link to all local chambers of commerce and the discussion in Carleton, Red Scare; and The odyssey of the American right / Michael W. Miles,  . . . and now in this class, through an examination of the party not of the voting age poultation and the subsets of that (registered voters, likely voters, actual voters), but the party of contributors, of which it would be premature to call it the party of money, both for vagueness and for presumption, which combined is a deadly mixture.


•<Ressentiment: the ontological foundation of the modern age>

•<cognitive development in history>



•Enlightenment-Counter-Enlightenment
 
•Chicago subset {N=102}/New England subset {N=  }: the myth of small business and the reality of business participation in Progressivism to New Deal

•Keynesian elite in the New Deal State: N=31 [career matrix]

•white collar "radicals" as children of enlightenment: the secret power of the Second New Deal

•the myth of the working class

•The Communist Party vs. the Socialist Party
Gravitational Lens

how the powerful force exerted by r*c*sm produces an effect on the inner structure of the discourse on "Communist Party in Boyer, Promises to Keep.

the force has the following effect: entities designated as Satanic are destructured--they have no existential predicates except the one: pure evil {and that as transcendental predicate: not of this world}.


two critical texts:

Bermann, All that is Solid Melts into Air

Balzac, Lost Illusions  

movies:

Dinner Rush

from Miguel de Beistegui, Truth and Genesis: Philosophy as Differential Ontology, (Indiana University Press, 2004), p. 244

 
"Deleuze replaces the classical problematic of the transcendental as involving transcendance and possibility with that of immanence and genesis.  Transcendental empiricism is concerned with isolating the genetic and immanent conditions of existence of the real.  And metaphysics is the sole instrument available for understanding what is real within the real, the only access to its inner movement, rife with novelty."
<--- problematics and texts

<--- deep continuities

<--- the fallacy of misconstrued ontology{see Truth and Genesis} (the "working class") (ontological fallacies); the fallacy of ontology as such (above)

fallacy of ontology arises out of encounter of the quivering mass of empirica (Sellars) and deployment of avalable "perspectives" (ie, as seen in Browning, Sugrue, Edsall,etc.).  The has a corrosive effect on fixed identities, which can shatter.  (PF: jew or cp?)

<--- the characterological dimension of history {whites in all-white Kentucky counties voting for Obama: the data set that needs explaining}

<--- approaching the new deal inductively, from within the matrix of specificities, both conceptual and empirical

<--- matrix of specificities: facts as texts; texts as facts: Sellars-Brandon