Nancey Murphy and William R. Stoeger, eds., Evolution And Emergence: Systems, Organisms, Persons (Oxford University Press, 2007)


"A remarkable burst of creativity in science is transforming traditional disciplines at an extraordinary rate, catalyzing movements whereby old boundaries are dissolving and newly integrated territories are being defined.  The new vision comes from the world of complexity, chaos, and emergent order.  This started in physics and mathematics  but is now moving rapidly into the life sciences, where it is revealing new signatures of the creative process that underlie the evolution of organisms.  A distinctive sign of life is the emergence of new order out of the complexities of its material foundations.  The concept of emergence, once regarded by many biologists as a vague and mystical concept with dangerous vitalist connotations, is now the central focus of the sciences of complexity.  Here the question is, How can systems made up of components whose properties we understand well give rise to phenomena that are quite unexpected?  Life is the most dramatic manifestation of this process, the domian of emergence par excellence.  But the new sciences united biology with physics in a manner that allows us to see the creative fabric of natural process as a single dynamic unfolding."

Ricard V. Solé, Signs of life: how complexity pervades biology Brian Goodwin Preface, ix-x; Basic Books, 2002

bigbang1
I think that we are on the verge of a general biology. It will require a new physics, a new chemistry. In particular, we can get at the collective behaviors of complex chemical reaction networks. New technologies will arise from it. We will see ourselves in a very different way in the universe. We are going to see ourselves as natural expressions of matter, energy, organization unfolding, a terribly different view than we've had for the past three centuries.

Evolution is time after time after time the emergence of utterly unexpected, novel, unbelievably crafty ways of crafting things that work. Nevertheless, evolution may not be merely bricolage, merely chance caught on the wing, and Darwin's mode of evolution, natural selection. There's another source of order in organisms and in the biosphere. It's the process of self-organization, spontaneous order. We're seeing it all over the place. We knew before that if you take water and you look at the formation of a snow crystal, it has an evanescent six-fold symmetry, and that didn't require natural selection.

What we're beginning to find in these new areas of mathematics called complexity theory is the spontaneous order of stunning depth, power, and intricacy which means that evolution is a marriage of natural selection and self-organization. It's not that one is right and the other is wrong. Both are true. And that means that we have to rethink evolution anew, and frankly, no one, including I, knows how to do that.


Stuart Kauffman  xxxxxxxxx  
Edge--the third culture  re Kauffman
http://www.edge.org/documents/ThirdCulture/zd-Ch.20.html  
Ricard V. Sole, Brian C. Goodwin. Signs of Life: how complexity pervades biology. Basic Books. 2000 Googlebooks


"What do complex systems have to be so that they can know their worlds?" By "know" I don't mean to imply consciousness; but a complex system like the E. coli bacterium clearly knows its world. It exchanges molecular variables with its world, and swims upstream in a glucose gradient. In some sense, it has an internal representation of that world.

from  http://www.edge.org/documents/ThirdCulture/zd-Ch.20.html  

The Era of Complexity: 10
-35 seconds to the present


Stuart Kauffman, Investigations (Oxford University Press, 2000)

Evelyn Fox Keller,  The century of the gene (Harvard University Press, 2000)


the big bang and complexity: implications for human history; complexity's inflextion point is now, and thus, cogitive development--the ultimate in complexity--is about both to take off and to regress and even collapse in various subsets of the population

thus, cognitive development (development of human capital) is an increasingly critical component ofmopdern and advanced capialism.

But persitence of the archaicpersitence of the archaicpersitence of the archaicpersitence of the archaic, combined with th availaibility of the forces of resentiment, produced a failed state in themidle of north america:

but so to are ressentiment and desire critical components of modern and contemporary history.


mind and life are more continuous than has previously been accepted, and that current explanations do not adequately address the myriad facets of the biology and phenomenology of mind. Where there is life, Thompson argues, there is mind: life and mind share common principles of self-organization, and the self-organizing features of mind are an enriched version of the self-organizing features of life. MIND IN LIFE
Biology, Phenomenology, and the Sciences of Mind
EVAN THOMPSON
How is life related to the mind? The question has long confounded philosophers and scientists, and it is this so-called explanatory gap between biological life and consciousness that Evan Thompson explores in Mind in Life.

Thompson draws upon sources as diverse as molecular biology, evolutionary theory, artificial life, complex systems theory, neuroscience, psychology, Continental Phenomenology, and analytic philosophy to argue that mind and life are more continuous than has previously been accepted, and that current explanations do not adequately address the myriad facets of the biology and phenomenology of mind. Where there is life, Thompson argues, there is mind: life and mind share common principles of self-organization, and the self-organizing features of mind are an enriched version of the self-organizing features of life. Rather than trying to close the explanatory gap, Thompson marshals philosophical and scientific analyses to bring unprecedented insight to the nature of life and consciousness. This synthesis of phenomenology and biology helps make Mind in Life a vital and long-awaited addition to his landmark volume The Embodied Mind: Cognitive Science and Human Experience (coauthored with Eleanor Rosch and Francisco Varela).
z Where there is life there is mind, and mnd in its most articulated forms belongs to life.  Life and mind share a core set of formal or organizational properties, and the formal or organizational properties distinctive of mind are an enriched version of thse fundamtnal to life.  More preciselym, the self-organizing features of mind are an enriched version of the self-organizing features of life.  ix

bigbang
The fundamental question that cuts across all vitalisms is "What is life?"  Each episteme, period or pardigm answers the question of life differently according to its own situation and within its own discourse, but they are all trying to come to grips with what drives self-organization and development in the world.  Historically, the general answers have ranged from an animistic, abstract, or mystical power that exists outside of and operates on the world, to an evolutionary and physio-chemical process that operates in the world, to a complex combination of material, biological, historical, social, linguistic, and ultimately technological processes that produce emergence.  Life is situated in the relationships among these bodies and their forces.  Rather than seeing life as an autonomous force, or as caused by physico-chemical or purely biological processes, this latter view situates life within complex, ecological interactions.  I see in each of these answers two key assumptions: tht life is funamentally complex (and complexity must be acounted for or addressed) and that life is fundamentally generative force (force, energy, will, power, or desire is  central to this complexity).
pp. 4-5

By the end of the twentieth century, the emphasis on events rather than substance was inflected outward from cells to ecological systems as whole organizations.  Life had become an emergent property produced by the complex interactivity among cells, organs, bodies, and envirnments.
p. 140

The death of man is not anti-human but the collapse of an isolated, substantive image of the subject and the emergence of viewing humans in the complex context of nature, technology, and language.
p. 141

If vitalism writ large was an attempt to study and theorize self-organizing or self-motivating systems, then the majority of this work in the mid- to late twentieth century was done in systems theory and complexity theory, which, along with Bergson, set the stage for Deleuze's philosophical vitalism.
p. 152

Byron Hawk, A Counter History of Compsition: toward methodoliges of complexity (U. of Pittsburgh Press, 2007)
"Nietzsche works with a range of conceptual personae who are both sympathtic and antithetic: Dionysus, Zarathustra, Christ, the Preist, the Higher Men (WP, 65).  Rather than being psuedonyms for the philosopher, conceptual personae are philosophical activations of the multiple potentials for subjectivity which traverse the author's name." p. 43
John Marks, Gilles Deleuze: Vitalism and Multiplicity (Pluto Press, 1998)
. . . a defining moment in which physical science stepped firmly out of the age of reductionism into the age of emergence.  This shift is usallly described in the popular press as the transition from the age of physics to the age of biology, but that is not quite right.  What we are seeing is a transformation of worldview in which the objective of understanding nature by breaking it  down into ever smaller parts is supplanted by the objective of understanding how nature organizes itself.

A Different Universe, 76

Thinking through these effects seriously moves one to ask which law is th more ultimate, the details from which ev eything flows of the transcendent, emergent laws they generate.  The question is semantic and thus has no absolute anwere, but it is clerly a primitive version of the moral conundrum raised by the alleged subordiateion of the laws of living to the laws of chemistry  and physics. . . .  

A Different Universe 207

The conflict between these two concptions of the ultimate--the laws of the parts or the laws of the collective--is very ancient and not rsoslvable in a few minutes reflection or a causal conversation.  One might sasy it represents the tension betwen two poles of thought, which drives the process of understanding the world the way the tension between the tonic and dominant drives a classical sonata.  

A Different Universe 207-8

Much as I dislike the idea of ages, I think a good case can be made that science has now moved from an Age of Reductionism to an Age of Emergence, a time when the search for the ultimate cause of things shifts from the behavior of parts to the behavior of the collective.  

A Different Universe 208

Robert B. Laughlin, A different universe : reinventing physics from the bottom down (Basic Books,  2005)
in the almost beginning was the singularity (Hawkings).  The universe, expanding from the borders of the singularity, is, according to Stuart Kauffman, governed by emerging complexity.

thsi concept of emergence and complxity is central to organization theory, to theories of mind, and to theories of language.  Emergene and cpmpexty--kaufman's foruth law of thermodynaics--help understand the microphysics of power relations, as well as the mergence of stategic elites a and megabureacracies.  as a property of the unverse, it is of necessity a prpoerty of the evoiton of the universe--the means of evotion.

from the big bang to four and a half billion year ago, tht was all that mattered from the standpoint of undtand americanhistory in the post-ww II period, until the emergence of life.  this constitues an inflexion point in the path of devlopment, emergence, and compleixty.  Kaufman's view of a one-celled oranism already evaluating its evnviromentnt (yum and yuk), maing decisions, and larning, suggest the possiblity the mind may be a property of life, or even a fundmatal chateteristic of life, even in its pmostprimitive form.
microphysics of power relations--case studies: kramer
The Era of Lfe,  4.5 billion years ago to the present

Kauffman, yum yuck
Jews, undead, with guns
threejews
A small group of partisans in the forests of Lublin, Poland about 100 miles southwest of Warsaw display their weapons.
Photo credit: Meczenstwo Walka, Zaglada Zydów Polsce 1939-1945. Poland. No. 529.
jewsresist
from  United States Holcaust Memorial Museum
More Jews, undead, with guns
tenjews
This Jewish partisan group of men and women fought in the vicinity of Vilna, Poland.
Photo credit: Meczenstwo Walka, Zaglada Zydów Polsce 1939-1945. Poland. No. 517.
Jews, dead, without guns
deadjews
FASCISM/RACISM--THEORY OF


THE FUNDAMENTAL THEOREM:





raven

the other as blank slate constructed by
   the
mechanisms of defense    

johns

Jasper Johns
After Hans Holbein. 1993
Encaustic on canvas
32 9/16 x 25 5/8" (82.7 x 65.1 cm)
Private collection
Tea Parties as Lynch Mobs

The Southern Rite of Human Sacrifice, by Donald G. Mathews,University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

review by Walter L. Buenger, Texas A&M University, of:

The Making of a Lynching Culture: Violence and Vigilantism in Central Texas, 1836–1916. By William D. Carrigan. (Champaign, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 2004. Pp. 324.

The First Waco Horror: The Lynching of Jesse Washington and the Rise of the NAACP. By Patricia Bernstein. (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2005. Pp. 264. 

Lynching (Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture)

In the first phase of lynching in Oklahoma, 1885 through 1907, most victims were whites, punished primarily as rustlers, "highwaymen," or robbers. In those years, 106 individuals were lynched for suspected criminal activities. While 1892 was the peak year nationally, 1893-95 were the peak in the Twin Territories, with cattle/horse theft and robbery the main offenses. The 106 victims included 71 whites, 17 blacks, 14 Indians, 1 Chinese, and 3 of unknown race.

After 1907 statehood, however, lynching entered a more racist phase. While the numbers actually declined, the victims were almost exclusively black.


Lynchings in America  (good bibliography)

Without Sanctuary: Photographs and Postcards of Lynching in America
 

Exorcising blackness : historical and literary lynching and burning rituals / Trudier Harris
Harris-Lopez, Trudier.
CHECKED IN  -  Purdy-Kresge Library  -  PS153.N5 H28 1984

Under sentence of death [electronic resource] : lynching in the South / edited by W. Fitzhugh Brundage.
Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, c1997.

A festival of violence : an analysis of Southern lynchings, 1882-1930 / Stewart E. Tolnay and E.M. Beck.
Tolnay, Stewart Emory.
Urbana : University of Illinois Press, c1995.
Purdy-Kresge Library    HV 6464 .T65 1995    CHECKED IN
Undergraduate Library    HV 6464 .T65 1995    CHECKED IN

Lethal punishment [electronic resource]: lynchings and legal executions in the South / Margaret Vandiver.
Vandiver, Margaret.
New Brunswick, N.J. : Rutgers University Press, c2006.
Law Library  -  HV 6465.T2 V36 2006

Three sources of modern human behavior


primate inheritance (de Waal)

mechanisms of defense

cognitive development
pre-op congruent with M/D, primate inheritance


W. Fitzhugh Brundage in Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South  

Early psychologists, powerfully influenced by Freudian theory, looked to individual psychopathologies rather than social conditions to explain antiblack violence. The ritualized mutilation of some lynching victims, the seeming frenzy of mobs, and the fixation of defenders of lynching on black sexuality prompted psychologists to attribute extralegal violence to deeply rooted psychological tensions about gender and sexuality. In 1933, for instance, Philip Resnikoff suggested that whites projected forbidden fantasies onto blacks and then vented their anger on the object of their own creation, the black rapist. Similarly, W. J. Cash, in his classic study, The Mind of the South, addressed white southerners' alleged twin obsession with race and sex. He suggested that the "rape complex" that gripped the white South demanded the violent defense of white feminine honor because "any assertion of any kind on the part of the Negro constituted in a perfectly real manner an attack on the Southern women." But it was William Faulkner, in his novel Light in August, who gave the richest and most provocative psychological interpretation of lynching. When Joanna Burden, a white woman, is killed in confused circumstances by Joe Christmas, a deeply disturbed man of unclear racial ancestry, the local community responds with obvious relish. At the climax of the novel, Christmas serves as the scapegoat for the thwarted sexual longings of Percy Grimm, the leader of the mob that murders and mutilates him. Black men were said to represent for white men a sexual liberation that they wanted but could not achieve without contradicting their race's professed mores. Tortured by their frustration, white men thus projected their thoughts upon black men and symbolically eradicated those desires by lynching hapless blacks. 14
  
Alternatively, psychologist John Dollard attributed southern violence to the socially accepted channels for aggression in the region. Dollard's and subsequent scholars' work led to the claim that violent behavior is caused by a collective psychic state of frustration and resentment. Social conventions in the South permitted the release of white frustrations on blacks, a defenseless group who were associated with whites' repressed fears and desires. The violent tone of southern race relations thus was the culmination of "free-floating" aggression seeking an outlet.15  

Scholars subsequently located a variety of sources for the frustrations of whites that seemed to breed violence against blacks. In 1940, Carl Hovland and Robert Sears claimed that high correlations existed between lynching rates in the South and indicators of economic performance such as the per acre value of cotton. The frequency of lynching, they suggested, was a barometer of the economic frustration of white southerners. Poor economic conditions bred frustration by "blocking individual goal-directed behavior." This frustration, they contended, found its expression in lynchings of blacks, rather than other forms of violence, for two reasons. First, the actual sources of the frustration—landlords, merchants, and speculators—were powerful and hence actions taken against them would likely have been punished. Second, many of those lynched had already been arrested or were being sought for alleged crimes and thus had already acted as "frustrating agents" for whites.16
---
Only since the 1960s did historians and other social scientists, prodded by urban riots, student unrest, and chronic violence throughout the nation, "rediscover" violence. The work of historians and sociologists Eric Hobsbawm, George Rudé, Charles Tilly, and others argued for the importance of studying collective violence in Europe and elsewhere by suggesting that crowd action is purposeful, rational, and continuous with other forms of social behavior. Collective action, they argue, is not a result of failed social control or exceptional social and psychological states. Instead, it arises out of ongoing political and economic contests present in all societies: violence is a by-product of "normal" collective action. Participants in collective violence are not isolated deviants, but rather often representative, well-integrated members of society. Historical collective violence no longer could be dismissed as an epiphenomenon of only passing interest. It moved, along with conflict in general, to the heart of social life. The study of riots, lynchings, and all manner of violence thus held the promise of enriching long-standing debates about topics as varied as resistance to modernization and traditions of community regulation.22

a new level of sophistication was Jacquelyn Dowd Hall's Revolt against Chivalry.24


In his study of antebellum southern culture, Southern Honor, Wyatt-Brown offers an all-encompassing interpretation of southern mob violence bolstered by examples drawn from the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries. 26 The key to lynching is the preeminent role that the culture of honor played in southern society. Unlike the ethos of dignity and self-restraint which prevailed in the North, the code of honor in the South encouraged and sanctioned violence. Lynch mobs, he explains, mobilized deep cultural traditions in a collective defense of community honor.

---

A final catalyst he identifies was the growing alienation of postwar blacks and whites. In his recent study, The Promise of the New South, Ayers has added that lynchings were rife in precisely those areas of the South—the Gulf Plain stretching from Florida to Texas, and the cotton uplands of Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas—where white insecurities were fueled by the prevalence of "what they called 'strange niggers," blacks with no white to vouch for them, blacks with no reputation in the neighborhood, blacks without even other blacks to aid them." 27 The bloodshed, then, was the product of "apparently immutable features of the nineteenth-century South: race hatred, sexual fears, honor, intense moralism, and localistic republicanism."28

 See, e.g., Larry J. Griffin, "Temporality, Events, and Explanation in Historical Sociology: An Introduction," Sociological Methods and Research 20 (May 1992): 403-27; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," American Journal of Sociology 98 (March 1993): 1094-1133; and Tolnay and Beck, Festival of Violence.


Our understanding of the history of antiblack violence in the South remains severely circumscribed because of the excessive generalization that pervades the scholarship. Scholars know enough to differentiate the upper South from the deep South, the Piedmont from the Piney Woods, and plantation districts from the up-country



'Existentialism' is not a philosophy but a mood embracing a number of disparate philosophies; the differences among them are more basic than the temper which unites them. This temper can be described as a reaction against the static, the abstract, the purely rational, the merely irrational, in favor of the dynmaic and concrete, personal involvement and 'engagement,' action, choice and commitment, the distinction between 'authentic' and 'inauthentic' existence, and the actual situation of the existential subject as the starting point of thought. Beyond this the so-called existentialists divide according to their views on such matters as phenomenological analysis, the existential subject, the intersubjective relation between selves, religion, and the implications of existentialism for psychotherapy. . .

Insofar as one can define existentialism, it is a movement from the abstract and the general to the particular and the concrete. . .

The root of 'existentialism' is, of course, 'existence.' That might seem to include just about everything, and by the same token to say nothing, were it not for the traditions in the history of religion and the history of philosophy which have tended to look away from the 'passing flux' of existence to a realm of pure 'Being,' unchanging and eternal, a world of ideal essences or a formless absolute beyond these essences, in comparison with which the particulars of our earthly life are seen as merely phenomena--the shadows in Plato's cave which at best reflect in wavering and unsteady fashion, and more usually obscure, that essential reality which is not directly accessible to man through 'the life of the senses' . . .

Insofar as any philosopher has turned away from the tendency to locate the really real in a separate metaphysical sphere of essences in favor of the greater reality of personal existence in the here and now, he stands for an existentialist trend within the history of philosophy . . .

It is in [the] emphasis upon the existential subject that the crucial distinction is found between existentialism and the various brands of empiricism, positivism, and instrumentalism that also emphasize the particular, the concrete, and the here and now. For these latter the particular is still seen from without, from the standpoint of the detached observer, rather than from within, from the standpoint of lived life."
--Maurice Friedman, The Worlds of Existentialism: A Critical Reader, pp. 3-9
Force-field deflection of thought; taboo against r*c*sm and cl*ss; thus, thought--the enlightenment--is inescapably forced to the conclusion that it cannot survive and thrive without a counter-thrust, a breakthrough into the forbidden realm.  see Lenny Bruce, blah blah blah blah


"Existentialism is well known in this country both as a literary and philosophical movement, but its roots in phenomenology are not as widely understood. Historically, the roots of existential philosophy can be traced to the nineteenth-century writings of Soren Kierkegaard, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Fyodor Dostoyevsky. Central to the work of this figures was an emphasis on the existing individual, and a call for a consideration of man in his concrete situation, including his culture, history, relations with others, and above all, the meaning of personal existence."
--David Stewart & Algis Mickunas, Exploring Phenomenology, p. 63


Medard Boss, Psychoanalysis and daseinsanalysis (Basic Books, 1963)
workers, reading, without pickets: Flint Sitdown Strike, 1937
flint9
workers, not reading, without pickets: Mineapolis Teamsters Strike, 1934
minnstrike
the great railroad strike of 1877
rr
Organization as a Cognitive Process
as such, a moment in the unfolding of complexity

Nietzsche
Lenin
Piaget
theory under construction
iron
Iron workers construct the Chrysler Building, New York City, 1929.
(Charles Rivers Collection, Robert F. Wagner Archives)
Theoretical fragments emerging out of 9-17

What is racism (what is r*c*sm)?
What is facism (what is f*c*sm)?

the fragments below emerge out of considering the implications of Paxton's fundamental finding:

"The legitimation of violence against a demonized internal enemy brings us close to the heart of fascism." 

from Robert O. Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism (Alfred A. Knopf, 2004): p. 84

" .  .  .   and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion." Anatomy of Fascism, p. 218


legit of actual violence against a demonized internal enemy against the existing order

legit of symbolic 
violence against a demonized internal enemy within the confines of existing structures of power

THIS IS A MAJOR CONSEQUENCE OF POWER (ANIMAL SPIRITS); THE OTHER IS COG DEV; A THIRD, THE PRIMATE TEMPLATE (CAGED PRIMATE: ANIMAL SPIRITS)

Politics is situated in these force-fields (the force-field of resentimnt; the force-field of development/organization; the force-field of the primate interitance

it is as nietzsche said:

those who write of the inevitable logic of organization and power (Wolin, Bauman) fail to link it with cognitive development, on the one hand, and ressentiment, on the other.  The question of the nature of bureaucracy is more the question of the nature of the public sphere, an ontolgical question about the nature of the various publics, and of man himself.

the gun is the summary statement of the clinical aspect of this understanding.
the fundamental theorem: F*c*sm is the politicization of the Mechanisms of Defense by an emergent political elite (Hitler, Mussolini Cadre) = "The legitimation of violence {displacement} against a demonized internal enemy {projection} brings us close
  to the heart of fascism."            ➜
the dynamics of the generatrix

the topological contours in the semiosphere of a demonized internal enemy

racism is the institutionalized, "civilized" ritualization in theater of ressentiment  --symbolic lynching 

fascism is the mobilization/erruption of the latent (hitherto contained) symbolic violence of racism--transition from symbolic to real due to systems crisis after wwi.
re. Jim Jones interview.  What this documents demonstrates is the absurdity of the reduction of the social, cultural,  psychological and biological worlds to a prmitiver individualkism, where racism  is solely a qution of whther a social and hsitorical atom is or is not a racist, and to wht degree.  This represents such a failure to learn from european and ameerican social theory that it will not be engaged.  One ought as wel to reaplize that this empahsis on the indivual is one of the rhetoical maneuvers of racism in the usa semiosphere.  One sees over time that it is only the right that deploys this notion of the ahistorical, asocial atom of consicousness, a view swo primtive that it begins to mark the eveotionary and developmental inflection point of a post biologicl evoutonary divergence within modern societies themselves.
Compare above with Crusades, Early Modern Europe quotes.md Given the deliberate way in which each author describes the process and political context of the demonization of the other; and the way in which the generatrix to the right organizes a millenium of otherization into a coherent pattern, up through the fascist era (1918 to 1945) to the present era of resurgent racism and town hall violence,  it appears that reconsideration of the terms fascism and racism is in order.

d

the Jim Jones interview.  Fifth precinct: r*c*sm{two white friends; gassing up; beating

shows the eixtence of the organic systems-wide level on which racism is reproduced.
Fascism


Robert O. Paxton, Anatomy of Fascism (New York: Knopf, 2004)

Michael Mann, Fascists

Dietrich Orlow, The Lure of Fascism in Western Europe: German Nazis, Dutch and French Fascists, 1933-1939 (Palgrave McMillan, 2009)

Christopher Browning, The origins of the Final Solution : the evolution of Nazi Jewish policy, September 1939-March 1942; with contributions by Jürgen Matthäus (University of Nebraska Press, 2004)

A history of fascism, 1914-1945, stanley payne

German big business and the rise of Hitler / Henry Ashby Turner, Jr.  Oxford University Press, 1985

Nazism, fascism and the working class / Tim Mason ; edited by Jane Caplan.  Cambridge University Press, 1995.

The Nazi voter : the social foundations of fascism in Germany, 1919-1933, by Thomas Childers.  Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, 1983

    Elections, parties, and political traditions / social foundations of German parties and party systems, 1867-1987, edited by Karl Rohe (St. Martin's Press, 1990).

Who voted for Hitler? by Richard F. Hamilton.
Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press, 1982.


Ressentiment

Judith Butler

Nietzsche

Michael Andre Bernstein, Bitter Carnival: Ressentiment and the Abject Hero (Princeton University Press, 1992)

Dostoyevsky, Notes from Underground

Toni Morrison, Bluest Eye

Cold War as order emergent out of systeems crisis--depresion and new deal

-------

lenin


Pyschoanalysis and R*c*sm


 Race, the Floating Signifier, Stuart Hall  

*Simon Clarke, Social Theory, Psychoanalysis and Racism (Palgrave Macmillan, 2003)

George M. Fredrickson, Racism : a short history (Princeton University Press, 2002)

Ivan Hannaford, Race : the history of an idea in the West (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996)

Audrey Smedley, Race in North America : origin and evolution of a worldview (Westview Press, 2007)

Jordan, Winthrop D.White over black: American attitudes towards the Negro, 1550-1812 (Penguin Books, 1968)

Peter Gay, Freud for historians (Oxford University Press, 1985)

*Nietzsche, Geneology of Morals (selections)

*Medard Boss, Psychoanalysis and daseinsanalysis (Basic Books, 1963)

*George Makari, Revolution in Mind: the Creation of Psychoanalysis (HarperCollins, 2008)

Dan Bivona and Roger B. Hekle, The Imagination of Class: Masculinity and the Victorian Urban Poor  (the Ohio State University Press, 2006)

*Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosphical Investigations  (selections)

*Tim Blanning, The Pursuit of Glory: Europe 1648—1815 (Viking, 2007).  "The Nation" and "The People," pp. 305—337

American Politics

*David Brock, Blinded by the right : the conscience of an ex-conservative (Crown Publishers, 2002)

*Kathleen Hall Jamieson and Joseph N. Cappella, Echo Chamber: Rush Limbaugh and the Conservative Media Establishment (Ocford Univesity Press, 2008)

Eric P. Kaufmann, The Rise and Fall of Anglo-America (Harvard University Press, 2004)

*Ronald Takaki, Iron cages : race and culture in 19th-century America (Oxford University Press, 1990)

David R. Roediger, The wages of whiteness : race and the making of the American working class (Verso, 1999)

Playing the races : ethnic caricature and American literary realism / Henry B. Wonham.
Publication Info.     New York : Oxford University Press, 2004.

arbaric intercourse : caricature and the culture of conduct, 1841-1936 / Martha Banta.
Publication Info.     Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2003.

*    Slotkin, Richard, 1942-
Title    Regeneration through violence; the mythology of the American frontier, 1600-1860.
Publication Info.     Middletown, Conn. : Wesleyan University Press, [c1973]

Popular ideologies : mass culture at mid-century / Susan Smulyan.
Publication Info.     Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, c2007

*Thomas B. Edsall, Building Red America: the New Conservative Coalition and the Drive for Permanent Power (Basic Books, 2006)

*Joseph E. Lowndes, From the New Deal to the New Right : race and the southern origins of modern conservatism (Yale University Press, 2008)

*Michael W. Miles, The Odyssey of the American Right (Oxford University Press, 1980)

*Richard M. Freeland, The Truman Doctrine and the origins of McCarthyism: foreign policy, domestic politics, and internal security, 1946-1948  (New York University Press, 1985)

William Preston, Jr., Aliens and dissenters : federal suppression of radicals, 1903-1933

*Regin Schmidt,  Red scare  : FBI and the origins of anticommunism in the United States, 1919-1943 (Museum Tusculanum Press, University of Copenhagen, 2000) [electronic resource]

David Brion Davis, The fear of conspiracy; images of un-American subversion from the Revolution to the present (Cornell University Press, 1971)

*Kim Phillips-Fein, Invisible Hands: the Making of the Conservative Movement from the New Deal to Reagan (W. W. Norton, 2009)

*Thomas G. Patterson, On Every Front: the making of the Cold War (Norton, 1979)

*Don E. Carleton, Red scare! Right-wing hysteria, fifties fanaticism, and their legacy in Texas (Austin, Tex. : Texas Monthly Press, 1985)

*Dan T. Carter, From George Wallace to New Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994 (Louisiana State University Press, 1996)

Sugrue
Philadelphia

Studs Lonigan
Sinclair Lewis, Main Street
Sinclair Lewis, Babbitt
American philosophy (Wiki)
Two Dogmas of Empiricism  
Willard Van Orman Quine  
On Looking at Videos

1. Philosphical contexts
2. Historical contexts
3. Sociological contexts

Lashing Out at the Capitol
Tens of Thousands Protest Obama Initiatives and Government Spending
By Emma Brown, James Hohmann and Perry Bacon Jr.
Washington Post Staff Writers Sunday, September 13, 2009

Tea party movement has anger, no dominant leaders (CNN 9-12)  good crowd coverage

Obama Health Care Speech - Minneapolis Target Center 9/12/2009 Part 1 of 5  minimal usable crowd coverage

1.5 to 2 two million people at Washington, D.C Tea Party rally for freedom march 9 12 2009 shouting here we are thanks to Glenn Beck 9-12 project Freedom Plaza Saturday (emphasis added)

Religion and the Presidential Vote,” The Pew Research Center, 12-6-04

Electoral Shifts (NYT, Nov 5, 2008)  This is a fantastic interactive map.  Study it carefully.  We will discuss this in class.

Presidential Election: Winners by County (Washington Post).  Another great interactive map.  Study it.    
Sellars re looking at Obama, Tea party rallies of 9-12 (differentiable manifold)

from Robert B. Brandom, "The Centrality of Sellars's Two-Ply Account of Observations to the Arguments of 'Empiricism and the Philosophy of Mind', in Robert B. Brandom, Tales of the Mighty Dead: Historical Essays in the Metaphysics of Intentionality (Harvard University Press, 2002)

"If we strip empiricism down to its core, we might identify it with the insight that knowledge of the empirical world depends essentially on the capacity of knowing organisms to respond differentially to distinct environing stimuli." (349)

" . . . the difference that makes a difference is that candidates for observational knowledge do not just have reliable dispositions to respond differentially to stimuli by making noises, but have reliable dispositions to respond differentially to those stimuli by applying concepts." (351)

"The observer's response is conceptually contentful just insofar as it occupies a node in a web of inferential relations."(p. 351) 

right
1. Philosphical contexts

surface
spin



Spinoza Reconsidered, review of Jonathan Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity 1650-1750 (Oxford University Press, 2002)
by Ann Talbot

from Terry Pinkard, German Philosophy, 1760-1860: the Legacy of Idealism (Cambridge University Press, 2002), 39

Kant's own "schematicism" of the "pure concepts of the undersanding" only underwrote his more general theory of mentality.  To have a mind is not to be made of any kind of "stuff"; it is to be able to perform certain kinds of activities that involve norms (or "rules" in his terminology).  

kant

West German postage stamp, 1974, commemorating the
250th anniversary of Kant's birth
 
from Robert B. Brandom, "The Centrality of Sellars's Two-Ply Account of Observations to the Arguments of 'Empiricism and the Philosophy of Mind', in Robert B. Brandom, Tales of the Mighty Dead: Historical Essays in the Metaphysics of Intentionality (Harvard University Press, 2002)

"If we strip empiricism down to its core, we might identify it with the insight that knowledge of the empirical world depends essentially on the capacity of knowing organisms to respond differentially to distinct environing stimuli." (349)

" . . . the difference that makes a difference is that candidates for observational knowledge do not just have reliable dispositions to respond differentially to stimuli by making noises, but have reliable dispositions to respond differentialy to those stimuli by applying concepts." (351)

"The observer's response is conceptually contentful just insofar as it occupies a node in a web of inferential relations."(p. 351) [see Imus]

"What the parrot lacks is a conceptual understanding of its response.  That is why it is just making noise.  Its response means nothing to the parrot--though it may mean something to us, who can make inferences from it . . . " (351)

(" . . . according to Sellars's view, the difference between theoretical objects and observable objects is methodologcal rather than ontological.  That is, theoretical and observable objects are not different kinds of things.  They differ only in how we come to know about them." (362))

Wilfred Sellars, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Wilfred_Sellars, Wiki

1. Historical contexts
 readings in the early history of demonization: the European context, 1095 to 1815

The First Crusade: A New History
, Thomas Asbridge (Oxford, 2004)


"These accusations (  ) had little or no basis in fact, but they did serve [Pope] Urban's purpose.  By expounding upon the alleged crimes of Islam, he sought to ignite an explosion of vengeful passion among his Latin audience, while his attempts to degrade Muslims as 'sub-human' opened the floodgates of extreme, brutal reciprocity.  This, the Pope agued, was to be no shameful war of equals, between God's children, but a 'just' and 'holy' struggle in which an 'alien' people could be punished without remorse and with utter ruthhlessness.  Urban was activating one of the most potent impulses in human society: the definition of the 'other'.  Across countless generations of human history, tribes, nations and peoples have sought to delineate their own identities through comparison to their neighbours or enemies.  By conditioning Latin Europe to view Islam as a species apart, the  Pope stood to gain not only by facilitating his proposed campaign, but also by propeling the West toward unification."
pp. 34-5

"Two forces seem to have been at work, stimulated by the crusading message that Urban had shaped.  Characterising Muslims, the expedition's projected enemies, as a sub-human species, the pope harnessed society's inclination to define itself in contrast to an alien 'other'.  But tapping into this innate well-pool of discrimination and prejudice was akin to opening Pandora's Box.  A potentially uncontrollable torrent of racial and religious intolerance was unleashed." p. 85


Puritanism as a Revolutionary IdeologyMichael Walzer, History and Theory, Vol. 3, No. 1 (1963), pp. 59-90

About the Puritan saints Walzer writes of " . . . their almost Manichean warfare against Satan and his worldly allies, their nervous lust for systematic repression and control." (111)

"They felt themselves to be living in an age of chaos and crime and sought to train conscience to be permanently on guard against sin. . . .  Had the saints been successful in establishing their Holy Commonwealth, the enforcement of this discipline would have consituted the Puritan terror."

"The persecution of witches, of course, was not a vital aspect of Puritan endeavor, but the active, fearful struggle against wickedness was.  And the saints imagined wickedness as a creative and omnipresent demonic force, that is, as a continual threat." (120)

this process continues; the fact that the objects created by this process--right wing demagogues and politicians and their constitutents--have recently been defeated does not mean that the ur-process of ressentiment/demonization has ceased being central to the dynamic of society.

LINK to Paxtontext   "I want my country back" video
The Crusades (Iowa Public Television)

ALBERT EINSTEIN'S ZIONISM  


Blood Libel: Then and Now
blood
Simon of Trent, aged two, disappeared around Easter 1475. His father alleged that he had been kidnapped and murdered by the local Jewish community. Eighteen Jewish men and five Jewish women were arrested on the charge of ritual murder - the killing of a Christian child in order to use his blood in Jewish religious rites. In a series of interrogations that involved liberal use of judicial torture, the magistrates obtained the confessions of the Jewish men. Eight were executed in late June, and another committed suicide in jail. Leaders of the Jewish community were arrested, and seventeen of them confessed under torture. Fifteen of them, including the head of the community, were burned at the stake.


Little has changed, as the anti-abortion poster below shows.  note that this does not indicate any identity or even similarity of these two forces--anti-abortion and anti-semitism--in their use of children in a pornography of sadism.  The apparent homology* must be accounted for on the genetic level: what is the fundamental generative matrix of each moment?  My judgement: they are one and the same, for demonization has been a central characteristic, a dynamic characteristic, a fundamental characteristic, of Euro-Amercan society since the first crusade.

abort
Operation Rescue Anti-Abortion Sign

*homology.  

sociology
.  a structural 'resonance' between the different elements making up a socio-cultural whole;

In anthropology and archaeology, homology is a type of analogy whereby two human beliefs, practices or artifacts are separated by time but share similarities due to genetic or historical connections. Specifically in anthropology, a homology is a structure that is shared through descent from a common ancestor.

Salem Witch Trials (etc., etc., etc., . . . )
salem



 

key terms: nation, nationalism, identity, the other.  

"If the state was one master-noun of eighteenth-century political discourse, the nation was another.  Indeed, as a source of inspiration, it was the more potent.  For although the state was an ambitious, omnivorous, hyperactive agent, the blood it sent pulsing round the body politic was very much on the thin side.  While a dedicated enlightened absolutist such as Frederick the Great or Joseph II might wish to dedicate his life to its service, most Eurpeans found it difficult to work up much enthusiasm for such an abstract entity.  The nation, on the other hand, proved to be brimful with motivating force, for it triggered both positive and negative responses to a self-generating dialectical progression.  For every virtue a nationalist ascribed to his own national group, there was a corresponding vice to be denigrated in the 'other' against which national identity was defined."

"This kind of mutually supportive national prejudice was of long standing by the eighteenth century.  In the Middle Ages, satires singled out, for example, the envy of the Jews, the cunning of the Greeks, the arrogance of the Romans, the avarice of the French, the bravery of the Saxons, the bad temper of the English and the lasciviousness of the Scots.  As the German scholar Winfried Schulze has cogently argued, the humanists of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries advanced these simple stereotypes much further by integrating simple prejudices in national historical narratives, especially foundation myths, for 'just about every culture and every religion has its own creation myth, its own equivalent of the Book of Genesis' (Colin Renfrew)." (306)

"To detect the continuing ground-swell of submerged hatred of past wrongs and hopes of future vengeance, it is the oral tradition of nationalist ballads and epics that need to be examined, for 'if a man were permitted to make all the ballads, he need not care who should make the laws of a nation', as the Scottish patriot Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun (1653? — 1716) put it.  That this is not an impossible unertaking has been shown by Vincent Morley, who has demonstrated just how ubiquitous and popular ws the long historical poem variously entited 'Tuireamh na hÉireann' ('Ireland's Dirge') or 'Aiste Sheáin Uí Chonaill' ('Seán Ó Conaill's Composition'), first composed in Kerry in the middle of the seventeenth century.  This offered all the essential elements of a fully fledged nationalism: a foundation myth (the migration of the Milesians to Ireland from Spain), a mythical hero (Fionn mac Cumhail and his warrior band, the Fianna), special assistance from God (the arrival of St Patrick), cultural achievement (the monasteries), an alibi for failure in the face of foregn invasion ('the betrayer Dermod' was just the first of many), and — above all — a gnawing sense of grievance in the face of foreign oppression (Henry VIII, Elizabeth I, Cromwell, etc.)." (314)

"The targets of the London rioters [1733] were often national or religious minorites.  Attempts to allow the naturalization of Jews in 1751 and again two years later, for example, provoked waves of popular anti-Semitism.  The most destructive episode of the enire century was the 'Gordon Riots' of 1780. directed against the Catholic Relief Act." (326)

"Unfortunately for enlightened intellectuals, more often than not 'the people' proved to be not just unenlightened but positively reactionary, just as lkely to riot against attempts to remove discrimnation against Jews or Catholics as to demonstrate in favor of 'Wilkes and Liberty!'  In the Habsburg Monarchy they were far more likely to turn out to greet the Pope, as more than 100,000 proved in April 1782, than to welcome the enlighened reforms Joseph II was trying to thrust down their throats.  Indeed, what prompted Joseph to put the brakes on his liberalization of the public sphere toward the end of his reign was the awful realization that it was not being used to propagate enlightenment, as he had hoped, but rather to incite conservative resistance to his reforms.  As so often before and since, it was the reactionaries who proved the more adept at exploiting the written word, not least because their arguments struck a much more responsive chord than those of their progressive opponents."

Tim Blanning, The Pursuit of Glory:  Europe 1648 -1815 (Viking, 2007), p. 334)


from Caesaropapism wiki

"in its extreme form, it is a political theory in which the head of state, notably the Emperor ('Caesar', by extension an 'equal' King), is also the supreme head of the church ('papa', pope or analogous religious leader). In this form, it inverts theocracy in which institutions of the Church control the state."
Below are excerpts from Death Wish · II · 3 · 4: The Crackdown · V: The Face of DeathDeath Wish · II · 3 · 4: The Crackdown · V: The Face of DeathDeath Wish · II · 3 · 4: The Crackdown · V: The Face of DeathDeath Wish is a 1974 action-crime-drama film based on the 1972 novel by Brian Garfield. The film was directed by Michael Winner and stars Charles Bronson as Paul Kersey, a man who becomes a vigilante after his wife is murdered and his daughter is sexually assaulted by muggers. The film was a major commercial success and generated a movie franchise lasting four sequels over a twenty-year period. The film was denounced by critics as advocating vigilantism and unlimited punishment to criminals[citation needed], but it was seen as echoing a growing mood in the United States as crime rose during the 1970s.[1]ring the doorbell. Believing it to be the delivery man from the grocery store, Carol answers. The hooligans proceed in

“America is the home of by far the most deep, widespread and conservative religious belief in the Western world, including a section possessed by wild millenarian hopes, fears and hatreds—and these two phenomena are intimately related. . .  [A]t the start of the twenty first century the United States as a whole is much closer to the developing world in terms of religious belief than to the industrialized countries (although a majority of believers in the United States are not fundamentalist Protestants but Catholics and “mainline,” more liberal Protestants).  p. 8


“The language of these figures [GOP leaders] is strongly reminiscent  of what George Mosse has called the ‘rhetoric of anxiety’ among nationalist before 1914, focused both on external threats to the nation and on moral, sexual and political subversion from within.  Its markedly hysterical tome is similar to that rhetoric.  And these attitudes are not just a matter of a few media squibs.  In its anti-intellectualism, anti-elitism, antisecularism and antimodernism, this rhetoric strikes very deep chords among the large minority of Americans who feel deeply alienated from the world in its present shape.”   p. 29  

“  . . . the entire contemporary Republican mixture is reminiscent of the classic positions of past conservative nationalist movements in Europe and elsewhere.  Abroad, these parties stood for ‘assertive nationalism’ and often supported imperialist policies.  At home, they were devoted to defending private property in general and the interests of the upper classes in particular, with a special stress on hereditary wealth They also portrayed themselves as the defender of traditional national, religious and family values against the rising tide of cosmopolitan, liberal, socialist, and foreign decadence.”  p. 32

“ . . . many of nationalism’s darker features have been produced by classes in relative or absolute decline, or with good reason to fear such decline, ones that have seen not only their status and security but their cultural worlds undermined by economic and social change.  These sentiments are especially liable to become radicalized if a period of economic growth ends and is replaced by depression or stagnation; thus many of Europe’s modern radical conservative and radical nationalist movement had their origins in the first “great Depression,” which lasted from the mid-1870s to the 1890s.”  p. 90

“In the United States, this sense of defeat and embattlement resides in four distinct but overlapping elements of the American national tradition: the original, ‘core’ White Anglo-Saxon and Scots Irish populations of the British colonies in North America; the specific historical culture and experience of the White South; the cultural world of fundamentalist Protestantism; and the particular memories, fears and hatreds of some American ethnic groups and lobbies.” p. 91

“The Greater South extends beyond the borders of the former Confederacy and even the Mason-Dixon line . . . to cover large parts of the Midwest and the West. According to some cultural geographers, the northern border of the Greater South lies rightly along route 40, which runs from east to west across the middle of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois.  In the West, the Greater South includes Oklahoma and other states largely settle from the Old South.” p. 107

“ . . . the fundamentalist wing of the evangelical tradition is a very powerful ideological force in large parts of the United States and retains elements of thought which have come down with relatively few changes from much earlier eras.  Its origins are pre-Enlightenment, and its mentality to a very great extent anti-Enlightenment.”  p. 124

“McCarthyism was indeed the classic example of a movement which brought together previously mutually hostile groups of White “middle-class” Americans behind an essentially nationalist program strongly marked by traditions of Protestant cultural paranoia, but in ostensible defense of the American Creed of freedom, democracy and law.  It succeeded in uniting ultra-nationalism, ‘Lockean absolutism (in Louis Hartz’s phrase), psychological hysteria, religious-cultural reaction, bitter class resentment and (to a lesser and more ambiguous and veiled extent) anti-Semitism in one mass of hatred.  McCarthyism was in some ways a precursor to the alliance between the White South and culturally conservative Northern and Midwestern White ethnic groups which at the start of the twenty-first century forms a key foundation of the Republican Party, and of which nationalism is a vital element.”  p. 133
1. Sociological contexts


White Christians

Evangelical Protestant             23
Mainline Protestant                 22
Non-Hispanic Catholic           21


Other                                      24
Hispanic Catholic
Black Protestant
Jewish
Muslim
+ . . .

Secular                                  10






cognitive contexts for viewing/interpreting videos

      planes of thought & discourse         
planes



formal operational

* operational

preoperational



md

The mechanisms of defense
in the construction of a
demonized internal enemy







Fascism

from Robert O. Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism (Alfred A. Knopf, 2004):

"Fascism may be defined as a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion." p. 218
  

"The legitimation of violence against a demonized internal enemy brings us close to the heart of fascism."  p. 84

md

The mechanisms of defense
in the construction of a
demonized internal enemy





"Today a "politics of resentment" rooted in authentic American piety and nativism sometimes leads to violence against some of the very same "internal enemies" once targed by the Nazis, such as homosexuals and defenders of abortion rights.

"The languge and symbols of an authentic American fascism would, of course, have little to do with the original European models.  They would have to be as familiar and reassuring to loyal Americans as the language and symbols of the original fascisms were familiar and reassuring to many Italians and Germans, as Orwell suggested. . . .  No swastikas in an American fascism, but Stars and Stripes (or Stars and Bars) and Christian crosses.  No fascist salute, but mass recitations of the pledge of alegiance (one minute and 45 seconds into the video above).  These symbols contain no whiff of fascism in themselves, of course, but an American fascism would transform them into obligatory litmus tests for detecting the internal enemy."  p.  202 (Emphasis added)
Notes on Fascism                             the fundamental theorem
md
my purpose: it sems to me that both the historical phenomena and the term itself--Fascism--need revisiting in the light of what is now referred to as the Town Hall phenomenon.  When viewed in terms of the fundamental theorem, and bearing in mind the extreme symbolic violence and the transgressing of current norms of civility which is giant step toward physical violence (aided by the major media), Fascism can be seen as M/D on a systems level (the semiosphere, the exostructure of society) in crisis, need for construction of means of expression.

Thus, the fundamental feature of transgressive violence against a demonized internal enemy is preserved in any mapping between the two sets of phenomena.

but there are questions: today's fascism is initated and commanded by right wing sectors of capital; was that also true of the NSDAP?  Or is our fascism more similar to that of Italy than that of Germany?  Or should we sill be using the term fascism, since its essence--the fundametal theorem--has dominated the past millenium?

History man : the life of R. G. Collingwood / Fred Inglis





It is the deprived creature, racked with homesickness for the wild, who had to turn himself into an adventure, a torture chamber, an uncertain and dangerous wilderness, who is of interest here. 
This creature is an effect of power; all of his being is consumed in reacting and adapting.  It is this creature, not Marx’s enlightened proletarian, who has come to dominate the mass politics of the modern industrial era.  That is to say, the deep issues





Compare above with Crusades, Early Modern Europe quotes.md Given the deliberate way in which each author describes the process and political context of the demonization of the other; and the way in which the generatrix to the right organizes a millenium of otherization into a coherent pattern, up through the fascist era (1918 to 1945) to the present era of resurgent racism and town hall violence,  it appears that reconsideration of the term is in order.


THOUGHTS ON COURSE STRUCTURE

levels:

textbook national narrative (Boyer, Hodgson)

monograph (Odyssey of the American Right, Kansas)

regional (Kansas) and local (bus boycott, MEMORANDUM) levels of text construction


general skills:

geography (ever-present)
statistics (in the media)
campaign finance databases (FEC, Opensecrets.org,
     whitehouseforsale.org)
other institutional databases: (chambers of commerce, directories of non-profits, industries, . . . )
discourse contextualization (checking, evaluating sources)
google search techniques


philosophical teachable moments

Kant and Sellars re. viewing videos: essense and consequences of Kantian revolution; empiricism

    Western philosophy
Title    Philosophy / general editor, David Papineau.
Publication Info.     Oxford ; New York : Oxford University Press, 2009

Invitation to philosophy / Martin Hollis.
Publication Info.     Oxford, U.K. ; Malden, Mass. : Blackwell, 1997



NOTES ON CH. 7

Metahistory:

crisis-chaos-emergence--why the making of the cold war is so complex

Key misjudgement of Progressives (Miles, p. 99): did not grasp the existence of vast reservoir of ressentiment as constituent element of politics, not reason.  Thus, expected political outcomes do not materialze. See Lenin.

key concepts

multiple centers of power in (FDR) Admin.

demonization key

Marshall on China (1948) p. 107 re vietnam, iraq, afghanastan

Wars in Asia:  In order to purchase nationalist Republican support for its European policy, the Administration maintained its commitment to Chiang Kai-shek long after it abandoned hope for his government.  p. 109; also 115

IPR and big business; alger hiss and big business sullivan & cromwell 111-12

china question had effect of unifying party 116-7

sociopolitical summing up: 118-120

NOTES ON CH. 8 MCARTHYISM

socialism 124; small but powerful group 124
nature of CP  125
Catholic church re labor 126
elite links of Hiss (re small but powerful group above)
looking for a good case 128
within right, anticommunism a fixed principle 128
old use of term liberal 129
cp as intl conspiracy (paranoid) 129
Hearst, McCormick, Ganett and Scrips-Howard press 131
faked photo 136
McCarthy's politics of provnicial resentment 139
sociology 141
firms and McCarthy 142
Catholics 142-3
MCarthy and moderate Republicans 146-7

X-REF: What's the Matter with Kansas

This deprived creature (ontology, ressentiment ) appears in Dostoevsky’s classic literary work, Notes from Underground.

 Now let’s see how things are with people who are capable of revenge and, in general, of taking care of themselves.  When the desire for revenge takes possession of them, they are drained for a time of every other feeling but this desire for revenge. . . . .  Now let’s look at this mouse in action.  Let’s assume it has been humiliated (it is constantly being humiliated) and that it wishes to avenge itself.  It’s possible too that there’s even more spite accumulated in it than in l’homme de la nature et de la verite.  The nauseating, despicable, petty desire to repay the offender in kind may squeak more disgustingly in the mouse than in the natural man who, because of his innate stupidity, considers revenge as merely justice . . . .  In its repulsive, evil-smelling nest, the downtrodden, ridiculed mouse plunges immediately into a cold, poisonous, and—most important—never-ending hatred.  For forty years, it will remember the humiliation in all its ignominious details . . .  Dost, Notes,  96-7

This very same deprived creature (gesture, reflex        ) pops up again on the editorial pages and e-mail in-boxes of newspapers around the country. 

Editor & Publisher, for example, posted a small note the other day about a column written by Al Neuharth, the founder of USA Today, in which he mildly suggested that the troops be brought home from Iraq "sooner rather than later." The editor of E&P was just blown away by the letters that poured in, filled with venom and hate and calling for Neuharth to be tried and locked away as a traitor. The letters compared him with pro-Hitler journalists, and suggested that he was objectively pro-terrorist, choosing to support the Muslim jihad over the US military.

Abjection and ressentiment can be distinguished most readily by their different relationships to temporality and to the urge for vengeance: abjection suffers constantly new, and usually externally imposed, slights and degradation, whereas ressentiment is trapped forever in the slights of the past.  . . . .  What “empowers” someone afflicted by ressentiment is the intensely focused, but impotent hatred with which he feeds his sense of having been treated unfairly, and his hope of someday forcing others to suffer in his place.  Bernstein, 28

It is the deprived creature, racked with homesickness for the wild, who had to turn himself into an adventure, a torture chamber, an uncertain and dangerous wilderness, who is of interest here.  This creature is an effect of power; all of his being is consumed in reacting and adapting.  It is this creature, not Marx’s enlightened proletarian, who has come to dominate the mass politics of the modern industrial era.  That is to say, the deep issues are not political, but ontological (Nietzsche, Heidegger).  [Fitness landscape: coevolution of Being and Environment]
 
These deprived creatures, denied the true reaction, that of deeds, compensate themselves with an imaginary revenge.  This imaginary revenge is the raw stuff of public ritual, the principle psychic resource of mass politics, the working up of which is the task of politicians.  Each act may be specific, as in public “debates” on welfare reform.  But the gesture of revenge, and the symbolic content of the expression, are always the same. 

This imaginary revenge, this archaic, repetitive gesture of today’s right wing crusade appears as an ”almost Manichean warfare against Satan and his worldly allies, [and a] nervous lust for systematic repression and control”.  This is from a study of 16th century Puritanism in England.  Its uncanny aptness when applied to today’s GOP suggests that behind the issue of the moment there is a timeless, frozen posture of revenge, eternally recurring, that is the raw material of politics (but inflected by circumstances).  This repetition occurs within the time frame of the Reformation in England and Scotland, especially the latter, whose primitive Calvinism to this day holds sway among the masses of southern Baptists/evangelicals.

Thee deprived beings, forcibly confined to the oppressive narrowness and punctiliousness of custom, impatiently lacerated, persecuted, gnawed at, did not become Marx’s proletarians or Paine’s Whig citizens.  (dosteoevsky's little man) They became father Coughlin’s listeners, Rush Limbaugh’s listeners, George Wallace’s voters.  But they also beame imporan political cosntitences in uaw politics at the shopflor level during the 1930s  (stuff from new deal book on Harry Hopkins after 1936 election.)


semiotics
GIS & statistics
org theory, input output, networks and graph theory

  • language   the semiosphere/the symbolosphere/cognitive regime/theater of ressentiment
  • social geography//GIS and Internet maps and graphs; statistics; links to language through cultural geogrpahy
  • wealth and power/organizations and interorganizational networks: Internet-accessible databases sine qua non of modern thought, less geographic in the limited naive realist sense--but of course, when one speaks of input output matrices, organzition charets, and resource flows, one is in a spatial realm all its own, where one maps the relatonships among organziatons and the flows among te.

These three spheres are defined immanently: they are the what of "observation"--if by that one means the percieving mind, not the eye merely.   In this case it is the mind-eye-internet web of data sets (from the us census to the collected works of Lenin)  Each sphere is thus charctaied by it major web sites.  LIST WEBSITES

Each sphere also is linked to its characteristic textosphere (LIST of books, references, canonical and contrversia)

In this cousrese th is is the psiton one sarts out with.

The point of deprture fo this mode of thoughtactivity is this immersion in and awreness of a vast and growing set of intertnet-accesible dtabases and website


This course is methodologically holistic: it unfolds in real-time entanglement with the present taken in all its infinite multiplicity.  And, even if specific focused enqiries, discipinary excursions, or Boolean flings through cognitive hyperspace (entered through Google) sharply delimits our encounter with the infiite multiplicity of the present as history, we neerthelsss feel its presence.
THIS IS A MAJOR CONSEQUENCE OF POWER (ANIMAL SPIRITS); THE OTHER IS COG DEV; A THIRD, THE PRIMATE TEMPLATE (CAGED PRIMATE: ANIMAL SPIRITS)

Politics is situated in these force-fields

1.  the force-field of resentimnt
2.  the force-field of development/organization
3.  the force-field of the primate interitance

it is as nietzsche said:

those who write of the inevitable logic of organization and power (Wolin, Bauman) fail to link it with cognitive development, on the one hand, and ressentiment, on the other.  The question of the nature of bureaucracy is more the question of the nature of the public sphere, an ontolgical question about the nature of the various publics, and of man himself.

the gun is the summary statement of the clinical aspect of this understanding.
On Reading Miles

1.  knowledge of political geography (legislative blocs, electoral patterns)

2.  knowledge of economic geography (firms as geographical coordinates)
"small business"
multinational corporation

3.  what is left out in 2?  the great qualitative variation among small business; mid-cap and small-cap firms;


3.  
sociological characterizations of the right appear frequently in Miles:

provincial small business; newer firms in the south and west; family-owned, competitive firms (textiles).  If upon reading the text the significance of Miles's sociological observations is missed; if there is no mental matrix for sociological thought, then the one clear and coherent theme in the book is missed.

On the other side of the capital divide, were the major multiatnoaol and moern technology frms, the base for the europe first stagy.  (Hiss List)

then there is the social geography side of the text: provnicial midwest, the fundaetalist south

on 1.  the lack of maps in the text is critical.